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Latvian-Polish Border Dispute 1919-1939

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The percentage of the Polish population in eastern Latvia. The largest percent is seen at six parishes of the Ilūktse district claimed by Poland

The percentage of the Polish population in eastern Latvia. The largest percent is seen at six parishes of the Ilūktse district claimed by Poland

When Latvia proclaimed independence on November 18 1918 the borders of the new country were not clearly determined. The general idea was that Latvia should be based on three main regions – Courland (Kurzeme) and Semigallia (Zemgale), Vidzeme and Latgale. However, when it came to actual border setting between various neighboring countries. Latvia has border related issues with Lithuania and Estonia where Latvia lost the dispute. However, the question of the Ilūkste district and the town of Grīva – claimed by Poland and Lithuania – gained and controlled by Latvia remained unsolved for many years. The Polish- Latvian border dispute caused ethnic friction between Latvians and Poles within the disputed territory. In the end on 1931 it resulted tense diplomatic conflict between Poland and Latvia. How this dispute evolved and how it was solved will be discussed in this article.

The Ilūkste district was located in southern part of Latvia, on the left side of the river Daugava. The two main centers were Ilūkste and Grīva. Grīva was located on the left bank of river Daugava right across Daugavpils. Today both cities are joined together, however then Grīva and Daugavpils were administratively  separated by the river.  Also this district was part of the Courland Province of the Russian Empire, while Daugavpils or Dunaburg was within the Province of Vitebsk. As being located between crossroads of Lithuania, Belarus and Latvia the district was ethically diverse containing Latvian, Lithuanian,Polish, Belarusian and Jewish communities. So both Poland and Lithuania considered that they should have this piece of land.

Polish armies entered the district on August-September 1919. On September 27 the Red Army was forced to abandon the left side of Daugava and retreated to Daugavpils fortress. The Polish government decided that the district must be annexed by Poland. It was mainly do to the strategical reasons as Poland wanted the border to run along the river Daugava. Also the significant Polish population was the argument to include this district within Poland. The district was formed in six parishes Borne, Demene,Kalkūni, Skrundaliena and Borovka. They were added to Polish Braslava district.

Ilūkste and Grīva. Areas of the Polish -Latvian border dispute

Ilūkste and Grīva. Areas of the Polish -Latvian border dispute

However, Latvian government regarded this district also with sizable Latvian population as their legitimate land. On December 1919 both Polish and Latvian armies liberated Latgale from the Red Army. The Polish Military command issued to local Polish administration in Ilūkste to prevent any attempt of establishing of the Latvian authority. On February 22 before Warsaw conference the Polish Foreign Ministry decided to issue demand to Latvia to give up its claims on Ilūkste district. On the spot both sides started to bring in their own governing bodies which resulted in conflict. Latvians attempted to issue new Chief of the Police in Grīva while it was de facto controlled by the Poles. He was turned away, same happened with Latvian border guards who were instructed to establish border posts along the Latvian claimed border line. Poles turned them away and they were forced to establish the posts along the river Daugava. Petitions were gathered along the left bank against giving the disputed land to Latvia. If not the person was threatened to be deported to Latvia and was punished with high fees.

On February 26 the chief of Latgale region A Bērziņš reported to Foreign Affairs ministry that this district can only be gained back by guns. As on March 1 1920 Latvian FA gathered delegation to Warsaw, the notion was to convince Poland of restoring the borders of the former Courland province. Meanwhile Polish FA had already decided that Poland will keep the district. In Warsaw the Polish side argued that border line along the Daugava will be effective in case of military assistance to Latvia. Polish foreign minister F Patek even admitted that this territory is rightfully Latvian but still insisted on turning it over to Poland. Latvian side refused to accept this and the question remained open.  Latvians saw the danger of Polish having border along Daugava that would make them easily to influence or even capture Latgale. So the talks ended with no result. It was no secret that Polish nationalists wanted to restore Poland within its 1772 borders that means also Latgale or even whole Courland was under Polish deepest desires.

Latvia was in risk of loosing this territory for ever. Still in June Latvian side even manged to stage a propaganda trip along the district under the guise of Lutheran clergy visit to Latvian churches. The pastor asked people to pray God for “free, independent Latvia, all the regions of our homeland including those not yet liberated and our Constituent Assembly”. According to 192o census the 1500 km² wide area was populated by 18 571 people. 1702 Latvians, 6116 Poles, 758 Lithuanians, 3015 Belarusians, 6612 Russians, 323 Jews and 45 Germans. The Polish made census on 1919 gathered 9207 Poles, 1273 Belarusians, 251 Lithuanians, 5068 Russians, 1396 Latvians and 134 Jews. In so the both data greatly conflicted in numbers of the size of the Latvian and Polish communities. However, they both showed that the Latvia  community is rather small comparing to Polish, Russian and Belarusian communities.  For a long time this land was dominated by the Polish language and Christian church. Many people were unable to determine their true ethnicity and fluctuated between being Polish or Latvian. Also Belarusians had trouble as they were unsure of being Polish, Russian or even Latvian. Therefore there was large room for error or even fraud in these  statistics.

On summer 1920 the situation unexpectedly turned the other way around. Polish offensive in Ukraine was crushed and swift Soviet counter attack begun. The Polish forces in Ilūkste were in danger of being torn off from the main forces. Poland was unsure of the Latvian actions kept one division to protect the north side. Latvia was unable to take direct part as it has signed ceasefire with Soviet Russia and talks for peace agreement was under way.

However, as Polish forces were pushed inwards, the Latvian army started to cross the river and enter the Ilūkste district. At same time the Lithuanians appeared to gain their share of the district. A small gunfights without causalities erupted and Lithuanians had to turn back. With the help of the English military mission representatives the dispute between Latvians and Lithuanians were calmed and Lithuanians backed off. As there was no Soviet forces around and no Poles, Latvian forces took over the territory. Local populace afraid from the Soviets and disorder welcomed Latvian forces.

Latvians had a hard time restoring order in the devastated district  and installing loyal officials as nearly all past officials were Poles. Poland was caught in the war for survival and missed the event. On Autumn 1920 after the Polish victory over the Soviets at the Battle of Warsaw, Polish armies headed back towards the Ilūkste district. Polish forces captured Vilnius and reached the Latvian held territory on November. However, Poland was not willing for the conflict with Latvians and decided to leave by the demarcation line until issue is solved diplomatically.

While some local Poles protested the Latvian power, others like Belarusians decided they are better off with Latvia then with Poland. Despite Polish efforts on March 20 1921 The International Commission lead by D Simpson decided that Ilūkste district belongs to Latvia. However, the commission was intended to solve Latvian-Lithuanian border issues and because of Vilnius conflict it disregarded the Polish claims. Therefore Poland still kept its claims.

In next following years the question remained unsolved. Poland despite formal claims and protest notes did not make strong actions to gain Ilūkste back. Meanwhile the situation in the region stabilized. Latvians schools were opened, the Latvian education in Ilūkste was great concern for Riga. Poles had rights for state funded minority schools. Also the Belarusians gathered to open their own schools.

The issue was raised again sometimes. On 1923 the Polish Sejm (parliament) received 28 people signed memorandum from “the Latvian occupied parishes”. Some of the petitioners had Russian and even one Latvian surenames indicating poloniziation. On 1922 the Latvian Polish Political party declared that it cannot issue their candidates in Ilūkste district because of “sworn allegiance” to Poland on 1919. In the result only one candidate from Latgale was elected into Latvian Saeima. Later they canceled this fruitless principality and issued candidates in Zemgale election district to gain better results.

Latvians placed a great pressure on  Ilūkste resulting national frictions. The leading anti-Polish discourse stated that after the centuries of polonization that has made one large quarter of the Ilūkste Latvians into Poles, the Polish politicians and the Catholic church still try to polonize people of Latgale. The Polish schools were accused of spreading “traitorous spirit”, Catholic Church was accused of boosting separatism. The suspicion affected Belarusians too as  they were accused of separatism and their teachers placed on trial. Incidentally the cause of this trial was map showing Belarusian ethnic borders in one of the schools within Ilūkste district. The Latvian secret police thought that the map was actually map of the future Belarusian state that included Ilūkste district. In the end the Belarusian trial ended in fiasco forcing secret police to free the teachers. Meanwhile Poles in their newspapers accused Latvians of chauvinism and attempts of undermining the Polish language and culture.  Poles also accused Belarusians of attempts of taking away Polish kids and turning them into Belarusians. As matter of fact both Latvians and Poles even questioned if there such nation as “Belarusians”. Another important factor was the resurgence of the Latgalian nationalism. Latvians of Latgale have distinct dialect that some of them considers a distinctive language. As Latgalian nationalists campaigned for Latgalian autonomy and official Latgalian autonomy status, they issued strong messages of confrontation towards Poles of whom the viewed as the representatives of the “dark Polish times”. Polish activists argued back that they rule in 16-18th century was good and more better then the Russian Tzarist rule.

As Poland after 1926 became autocratic dictatorship by  Juzef Pilsudsky the Latvian Poles became more reliant on the Polish Mother State. Poland sponsored Polish minority movements. All the historic dates like the uprising of 183o and 1836 were celebrated making Latvians cringe as these events were made to restore united Polish commonwealth. Latvian Polish Union gained 2 deputy seats in the parliament and even more in local elections. The influence of the Polish state and regime was clearly visible in the Latvian Polish daily paper “Dzwon” (The Bell) where an ode to the president of Poland Juzef Pilsudsky was published. It was written by local from Krāslava a town with significant Polish minority. From today’s perspective that is a clear sign of the Polish “soft power”.

An Ode to President of Poland Juzef Pilsudsky written by local Pole from Krāslava Zofija Rujkowna

An Ode to President of Poland Juzef Pilsudsky written by local Pole from Krāslava Zofija Rujkowna

After many years of passive tension the Ilūkste dispute reached the boiling point. On 1931 the Ilūkste Catholic church tried to increase the number of church masses in Latgalian language. The local Poles were not impressed. On April 26 and May 3 during Latgalian church mass the Poles started to sing their Polish prayers loader than Latgalians. As both sides tried to sing loader then another the mass turned into riot. Many were arrested in result. A scandalous trials followed mostly issuing small term punishments for shouting the church and disrupting the civil order.

In Riga the Saeima parliamentary investigative commission was made and it concluded that the polonization has taken place in Ilūkste district and the Latvian Polish Union is responsible. The commission accused the Union of spreading separatist teachings in Polish schools and spreading school text books from Poland that marked Ilūkste as Polish territory.  1931 was also the election year boosting up the campaign against the rival Polish party. Polish Union split up in the pro-Latvian and pro-Polish block. Despite that two Polish representatives were elected, the Polish Union was temporally shot down and their six owned Polish schools were closed. The main Polish newspaper “Dzwon” was closed. Later do the “formal reasons” the Latvian Polish Union was disbanded. The Polish ambassador from Riga was temporary called off.

After being closed by the Latvian authorities the Polish newspaper issues a one issue call to all Polish voters to defend the Polish national rights and religions against the Latvian chauvinism and vote for the Polish Union that was later also closed down

After being closed by the Latvian authorities the Polish newspaper issues a one issue call to all Polish voters to defend the Polish national rights and religions against the Latvian chauvinism and vote for the Polish Union that was later also closed down

Despite condemnations from Warsaw and rumbling Polish press, Poland did not made any serious steps against Latvia. After all Latvia was one of the main Latvian trade partners and in secret deal between the two states on 1929 Poland by agreeing to pay compensations to  compensations to Polish citizen former land owners (including Ilūkste district) had de facto agreed on Ilūkste Latvian possession.

As Latvian population in the district increased (sometimes it was done artificially, by registering Pole or Belarusian as Latvian), and more Latvians taking over local administrations the tensions cooled down. The Poles made new party and restored their newspapers. However, on 1934 when Kārlis Ulmanis seized power, the new party was again banned. On 1933 both sides started negotiations on the border issue. The commission from the both countries finally reached agreement on 1938 ending the issue once and for all. Interesting event between 1933 and 1938 was the closure of the newspaper “Pēdējā Brīdī”. The newspaper had published article about celebrations of 1836 uprising that did not take place for some reason. Article included reference to the Polish claims of 1772 borders, that angered the Polish ambassador. The Latvian Foreign Ministry received complaints from him and asked to punish the newspaper. Newspaper was  fined for “spreading hate across the society”, soon after that the censors encountered another “bad” article about Baltic Germans and the Latvian Police and was closed down for “the bad conduct”.

That was last of the tensions. Eventually Ilūkste became recognized as a Latvian city. On 1939 after Eastern Poland was occupied and annexed  by the Soviet Union the border with Poland was lost forever. Now the Ilūkste district shares border with Lithuania and Belarus. Still ethnically diverse the Ilūkste district has become an integral part of Latvia.

Selected Sources:

Jēkabsons, Ēriks. (1995). Sešu Pagastu un Grīvas pilsētas problēma Latvijas Polijas attiecībās. Latvijas Vēstures Instituta Žurnāls. Nr.1

Jēkabsons Ēriks. (1996) Poļi Latvijā. Rīga.

Newspaper “Dzwon” 1931

The Latvian History Archive. Ministry of the Society Affairs. Press and organization fund 3724.f. The “Pēdējā Brīdī” case Nr. 549.

Various Latvian Newspapers 1920-1936


Tagged: border dispute, Latvian history, national minorities, Poland, Poles

The Battle of More September 26-October 6 1944

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Memorial stone for the fallen of the Battle of More

Memorial stone for the fallen of the Battle of More

70 years ago in Vidzeme region 3 Latvian 19th Waffen SS legion grenadier regiments along with 2 artillery regiments faced enormous Soviet offensive heading towards Riga. For five long days and nights the Latvian men fighting within the German lines stopped the attacks by superior Soviet forces. This battle was crucial for complete German evacuation from Northern Latvia and then Riga. If the soviets had managed  to break trough the German lines, Riga would face street battles and resort to destruction. Today Latvian army is using the history of this battle as example for operational and tactical training. Therefore as we mark 70 year anniversary of this important event this article will discuss it in detail. Despite the 19th division technically fighting on the German side in the article the Latvian units will be called as Latvians, because these were formed from the Latvian soldiers. Same approach would be taken describing Latvians fighting on the Soviet Army lines.

Soviet advance in the Baltic region 1944

Soviet advance in the Baltic region 1944

On September 1944 Soviets after breaking trough Belarus in Summer, had taken over Eastern Latvia, Rēzekne and Daugavpils. For a short time soviets had managed to make a gap between Riga and Courland by reaching Tukums and Jelgava from Lithuanian side. Germans eventually cleared off this threat for soviets had no proper resources to hold this gap and Soviets on the Vidzeme front had tough time capturing towns of Alūksne and Cesvaine. But Soviets were determined to capture Riga and gathered large forces to do this. Germans meanwhile devised Operation Aster to retreat from Estonia to Vidzeme to Riga and to Courland without major casualties. On September 17  Soviets attacked Tallinn and were confused by the orderly retreating Germans. As Germans retreated to Vidzeme, Northern Latvia Soviets chased the Germans, but failed to disrupt their retreat and faced great causalities. On September 25 Soviets reached Sigulda line.

Along with Germans the Latvian Waffen SS 19th division was retreating inland. Many of these man were conscripted, some of them joined the legion freely. Germans never wanted to add non-German soldiers to their armies at the first place. However, after the tides of war turned against them they started to form non-German units among the Waffen SS lines. While technically being auxiliary legions both the Latvian and Estonian legions were made overly from conscripts. As Latvia was occupied in 1940 by the Soviets, many Latvians wanted to rather fight with Germans against the Soviets to prevent another soviet occupation. Despite bearing the fact that Germany cannot win the war, and Germans had no regards for the Latvian independence, Latvians still hoped for the positive turn of events to their side. Latvian soldiers were highly trained in the spirit of the past Latvian army and still had great morale to defend their homeland.

The 19th division on September 25 was stationed at the village of Nītaure where it arrived after withdrawal from Lubāna on August 3. On September 25 the divisional HQ received order to leave Nītaure prior to to occupying the final defense line at More. The 42th, 43th and 43th Grenadier regiment and artillery units were the ones to do so. They covered the German 126th Infantry and Artillery regiment on his route from Nītaure to Sigulda defense line. With Soviets coming close by and making contact the Latvian units together with Germans moved to More on September 26. Latvians had shortage of ammunition that proved t0 be very crucial as the battle developed.

When Latvians arrived at the More they begun to establish defensive positions. Trench lines were already made with the help of the local populace. Machine gun nests were established, 12 MG 42 machine gun was used. Two German 75 m anti tank guns were placed. Also anti tank rockets were used to stop the tanks. Wired telephone communications were established with every platoon commander’s pit. Field radio was used a back up. The communications were crucial to lead the mortar fire and control the battle. Command group set up Command post in the More school-house. Medical Company arrived during the battle. The Latvians were faced by the Soviet 23th Rifle Division, 415th Rifle division, and Penal Companies. Each of the divisions more than 4 regiments and companies.

On 17:oo Soviet advance with tank T-34 support was spotted. T-34 approached 70 m to Latvia positions and 10 m from anti – tank mines. Men armed with panzerfaust anti tank missiles waited to tank to come in within range. Then a tall man with panzerfaust approached the tank looking for the best fire range. Tank moved its turret looking for target and killed the soldier with a main gun. He was the first causality of the Battle of More. The first attacking Soviet infantry detachments were repulsed and tank without getting fired by the anti tank guns reversed back. The tank could not find any targets and the anti tank did not want to reveal their positions prematurely. It was the only the reconnaissance attack to point out the positions. The real attack would begin next day.

The Battle of More. Soviet attacks and Latvian, Soviet unit positions

The Battle of More. Soviet attacks and Latvian, Soviet unit positions

After short preparatory fire soviets broke in to defensive point “Mazratnieki” and the 1st platoon sector, but were driven off by the counter attack. Two more attacks came, and without artillery support in the had to hand fighting were driven off. First Aid post was overflowed after first day fighting, the 3th company men were the most to receive wounds. In a night battle the 3th company destroyed a whole enemy battalion. Soviet commander, staff captain, lieutenant and political commissar perished in the battle.  Trenches were full of dead Soviet soldiers. 15 men taken as POW”S. On September 28 Soviets broke in again. During the battle men managed to gain important map from shot dead Soviet senior officer that contained important information about the soviet attacks that was vital for assisting the German withdrawal from Vidzeme and Riga.

Soviets fired endlessly with mortars towards Latvian positions sometimes not even hitting trenches, but area behind them. Direct frontal attacks were driven off with great causalities. Fields were covered with bodies of fallen Soviet soldiers. Tanks were stopped although the anti-tank units armed with panzerschreck’s were ill-equipped.

During the third day the defense points Mazratnieki and Mazkacēni changed hands many times. Soviet T-34 tanks came in support, 4 of them were destroyed with anti tank rockets. The tank who made the first Latvian causality on first day was finally destroyed with a direct hit of the artillery round. The score was settled. Without time to rest and eat the men had to fight off attacks day and night. Even night attacks proved fruitless, trenches were full of bodies. Soviets finally broke trough in the night of September 27/28. However, they did not get far and remained in the minefield and those who survived dug in. In great difficulty they were driven away from their positions.

Fourth day at the noon of 28 September Mazratnieki was again penetrated by the Soviets. And again pushed back. Repeated attacks accompanied by the artillery fire continued. Latvian artillery fought back. Air attacks against Latvians were also used without any friendly air support.

The fifth day battles evolved most fiercely around Kartūži estate. 42th regiment defended it. Soviets wanted to change attack route and come across the swamp to Kartūži. They managed to break in the positions and endanger the flanks but in another fierce battle were driven off. Soviets brought more supplies. But, the defense line despite great causalities was still mostly intact.

On September 30 the Latvians were ready to withdraw that commenced on October 5. Enemy attacks became more weaker.  A weaponless wandering soviet soldier was captured without food or shelter. Artillery attacks became more weaker and were more down to harassment.  Latvians gave their life’s in desperate fights, to keep the 18th German army withdrawal behind open. So Germans could march back to Riga. By October 2 most 18th German army units passed the Latvian 19th divison. The German 16th army of which 19th division belonged started to shorten their defensive line. On October 2 19th division was ordered to extend its line to far north lake Ummuri. Until October 5 Soviets battles became passive. On October 6 the 19th division left the More. On October 7 19th division was within the lake of Jugla in the Riga outskirts. As Soviets marched to Riga, Germans issued Riga an open city and so the 19th division moved to Courland. On October 13 Riga was entered by the Soviet forces. In Moscow fireworks were fired to mark the liberation of the “soviet” city Riga. But, the 19th division man had done their job. Allied German forces could withdraw from Vidzeme and Riga. And most important heavy battle for Riga was avoided as glory hungry soviet generals wanted to encircle Germans in Riga and make another Stalingrad. Riga would face the same destruction as Jelgava that was wiped out during fights in summer. All this with a heavy prize- 186 men were lost, 650 wounded. Soviets lost 2736  men, 9,576 were wounded. 1 transport plane and 1 IL-2 dive bomber was lost. Also those missing in action are not counted in.

Such enormous Soviet losses comparing to Latvian losses can be explained by the poor soviet attacking tactics. Soviets had clear majority and full equipment. Tanks and air support. However, their horde style attacks often directly to enemy lines and machine gun nests ended in complete disarray.  After reaching the enemy lines the hordes became disorganized and it was every soldier for himself. Latvians and their German colleges used extensive defensive tactics and ensured on the individual action and discipline. Latvian soldiers also showed great endurance and were ready to defend at all costs while soviets were quick to rout. Coincidentally Latvian soldiers fighting on Russian, Soviet and German side in both World wars have always surprisingly fared better  than their native colleges in arms. Russians always boast about the high number of casualties on their side to counter any criticism about their war history. However, they should note that large numbers of these casualties were lost due the poor commanding and tactics. With a great manpower, supplies the soviet command felt no remorse of sacrificing so many soldiers life’s. And same as Latvians, Germans they were not just numbers on the causality report.  They were sons, husbands,fathers, all lost for the cause of a brutal totalitarian regime fighting in a rogue land.

Latvian soldiers at the More monument on 1993

Latvian soldiers at the More monument on 1993

Today there is Memorial Museum at More. Commemorations takes place there today. Despite fighting on the Nazi German lines these men defended their homeland. Nazi Germany is the evil of the World War 2, but the Soviet Union is the second evil of the World War 2. For its actions on 1939-1941 were the main reason why the Latvian soldiers in German uniforms had to fight with the Soviet soldiers. Today as the new danger looms, the Latvians should set the Battle of More as example for defending homeland against the aggressor.  Hopefully, we will not see the second Battle of More, but this time we will defend our country in the uniform of the Latvian Armed Forces.

Selected Sources:

Kovtuņenko, Rolands (2009) Battle at More. Riga. Apvienība Timmermanis un Vējiņš.

Pētersons, Aivars. (2007) Krustugunīs. 60 gadus no tautas slēptais. 1940-1945. Rīga.


Tagged: Baltic States, Eastern Front, Latvian history, Latvian Legion, World War II

Latvian Parliamentary Elections 2014

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Next Saturday October 4 Latvia will held elections for 12th Saeima the – Latvian parliament. Last elections took place 3 years ago on September 17 2011. They were emergency elections since former president of Latvia Valdis Zatlers dismissed the parliament and it was approved by the voters in the poll. In Latvia to dismiss the parliament a referendum is needed to approve the president decision. So the 11th Saeima was result of the Presidential Decree Nr.2. The results of this decree was varying. The pro-Kremlin party Harmony Center gained 31 vote majority. Valdis Zatlers with his Reform party came in second with 26 seats, leaving past leaders Unity (Vienotība) with 20 seats. The National Alliance and Green Farmers Union also made it. However, Harmony Center could not run the government and was left. in opposition. The Unity PM candidate Valdis Dombrovskis resumed his office and held the coalition together with Zatlers Reform Party and National Union. Green Farmers accused of being led by oligarch major of Ventspils Aivars Lembergs was thrown in to opposition. As it was one of the main election slogans to get rid of the oligarch parties. On November 27 after Maxima supermarket disaster Valdis Dombrovskis resigned and government was formed by Laimdota Straujuma from Unity. This time the Green Farmers came back in coalition, as the Reform Party was in path to disintegration. Indeed Zatler’s vision on his Decree Nr.2 had failed. At the first day after forming government his six elected members left the party. Zatlers was not elected as Chairman of Saeima and was assigned to lead the National Security Commission. His two most ambitious reformers Roberts Ķīlis Minister of Education and Edmunds Sprūdžs the Minister of Environmental Protection and Regional Development failed to achieve his goals and resigned. As Zatlers became sick with cancer he lost the direction of his party and in result the party was disbanded. His most successful members joined either Unity or National Alliance. So in these elections one of the leaders of the 2011 elections will not stand. But 13 parties will stand in 2014 elections so this article will describe who are the main contestants, what they offer and what they have done.

Unity (Vienotība)

Unity for last 5 years have been known as the leading party in the Latvian politics. From 2009 to 2014 Valdis Dombrovskis lead the country as the Prime Minister. His consequent approach on getting country out of the economic crisis was not without difficulties and protests, but in the end he came in history as the one man who brought Latvia to Eurozone on 2014. He survived the Saeima dismissals and coalition rumbles, but the Maxima Supermarket disaster on November 21 2013 made him resign to take the political responsibility. He was replaced by Laimdota Straujuma a Minister of Agriculture a rather silent personality to Latvian public and media. At first it seemed that Artis Pabriks from Unity a popular Minister of Defense would take the PM office. As the Russian aggression in Ukraine was looming he seemed obvious choice. However, President of Latvia Andris Bērziņš turned him down and instead named Laimdota Straujuma as the Prime Minister. She was chosen as compromise person that would lead the country until next elections. Now she is the candidate for PM from Unity again, but she does not exclude the possibility to give PM seat to another Unity member such as Andris Piebalgs   European Commissioner for Development at the European Commission. Straujuma is pragmatic and careful person, however sometimes she shows timidly and lack of concrete stance when regarding the security and international affairs. As Pabriks and Dombrovskis is now in EU Parliament the two past leaders are not on the election list.

The Unity election list leaders are Straujuma, Solvita Āboltiņa chairman of the Saeima, Edgars Rinkēvičs the Foreign Affairs Minister, Anrijs Matīss and Jānis Reirs in four election districts. Solvita Āboltiņa has been the chairman since 2010. She has been described as the Red Cardinal of the Latvian politics not just because of her red hair. A master of the salon politics she has great influence on coalition work and assigning important offices. A question yet remains if her backdrop politics serves good for her party and our country.

Unity has accumulated many former Reform Party front-runners. Edgars Rinkēvičs a professional and responsible Minister of Foreign Affairs  has shown strong supportive stance towards Ukraine and has reacted venerable national stance towards aggressive Russian policy against Latvia. Rihards Kozlovskis a Minister of Interior Affairs another ex reformist despite many issues has lead the Interior security carefully. His main issues are constant underfunding of the police force, slow investigation of the Maxima disaster and problems with Latvian Secret Services who are accused over lack of actions regarding the countries security. Vjačeslavs Dombrovskis an ex reformist took the office of education and now serves as Minister of Economy is a professional politician. His weak side is rather questionable relations with her adviser Anna Kononova an ex press secretary of the Riga Town Council. Not only the fact that she worked with pro-Kremlin Major Nils Ušakovs for many years, but also because of rumors about “too close” relations between her and Dombrovskis. Indeed this was not the only case in past 3 years when ministers and their advisers became too close and state issues may have been decided in bed.

 Apart from that the Unity has many pros and cons to be voted to rule for next five years. Being ruling party for five years has made a bit like its past rival Peoples Party, a desire to control every aspect of the state affairs, arrogance and intrigue – all that naturally comes when opposition party becomes the ruling party. Also the sacrifice of two most strongest leaders – Artis Pabriks and Valdis Dombrovskis is a great cost. Artis Pabriks showed greet effort towards national security in his long-term as the Minister of Defense. In the time of international crisis around, Latvia lacks strong leaders. The President Andris Bērziņš and Laimdota Straujuma lacks significantly towards the leaders of Estonia and Lithuania. So if Unity really wants to rule the country during these rough times, it should set intrigues and ambitions aside especially within the inside the party.

That same can be said about the National Alliance. Formed from two national conservative forces – For Fatherland and Freedom and All for Latvia the party has grown more powerful in last two elections. But, the party has been plagued by the scandals and controversy. Its have been the champion of the minister resignations and unfilled threats to bring down the government if their demands are not met. The Minister of Culture posh businessman Žaneta Jaunzeme-Grende who viewed this sector rather from financial side  then cultural, got in endless conflicts with various players of the sector. The most hardest player was the Latvian National Opera. Despite having worldwide reputations, best opera singers on the world stage, the opera experienced financial issues. Grende’s attempts to address the issue ended with bitter conflict with the opera director Andrejs Žagars. In the both Žagars and Grende was fired from  their office. She was replaced by long time ministry employee and professional Dace Melbārde who now runs from NA as the front-runner.

Because of the Reform’s Parties demise the Ministry of Regions and Environment was handed over to NA. Einārs Cilinskis a veteran in nationalist politics took over the office and was quickly dismissed because he disobeyed the PM. On March 16 the annual remembrance of the Latvian Waffen SS Legion took place. Because the “referendum” in Crimea took place on the same time, there was fear from Russian provocations. Straujuma warned no state official to take part in the commemorative march in the city center. Cilinskis who always participated in the event came anyway and was fired. He was replaced by Romāns Naudiņš a businessman who failed to gain allowance for the state secrets.

More gloom was the NA leadership over the Justice. Gaidis Bērziņš with experience in this field resigned after he refused to discuss the Jewish property restitution. Was this just a cover up reason to hide his corrupt dealings with Ventspils reminds a speculation. He was replaced by Jānis Bordāns. Bordāns did not re activate the Jewish property problem, instead he even attended some of the Jewish events such as concerts or Holocaust events. But, his main issue was the insolvency reform. It started to became clear that insolvency sector had great influence on NA. Many of the insolvency lawyers were the members of the party. As insolvency sector sometimes proved to be corrupt and unlawful, Bordāns tried to reform by introducing changes in the law. He was then excluded from his own party and asked to resign. The official reason was his close ties with Democratic Patriots society that wanted to became a party. He was accused of insubordination. The real reason as said by many was because he stepped on the parties interests. As the insolvency business has a shallowly grip on the party. However, as only the PM can ask minister to resign, Bordāns stayed in the office until Dombrovskis government resigned.  Left without party and ministry Bordāns raced to create his own New Conservative Party. That however seems  to be an ill fated choice as his new political force has less chance to reach above 5% barrier.

The new Straujuma government assigned NA leader of the Riga Town Council opposition Baiba Broka. She quickly dismissed all the proposed changes in insolvency – no wonder as her professional past was associated with it. But, then a grave problem came- she did not received permit to access the state secret from Constitutional Defense Bureau (SAB). SAB a top counter intelligence agency refused to explain why, so Broka resigned. A path reached the start again as Gaidis Bērziņš took the office again. If NA wants to lead the Justice sector further it must explain the voters the controversy over its problems with insolvency sector.

Another thing to explain for NA is why its front leaders Raivis Dzinars and Imants Parādnieks from All for Latvia has refused and continue to  refuse to take important offices. Instead the minister seats are allocated to For Fatherland and Freedom old timers and people from outside like Žanete Jaunzeme-Grende. Their PM candidate is EU parliament deputy Roberts Zīle another old-timer, who will rather stay at Brussels than really take over the country. As Baiba Broka who seemed a good candidate for  PM has demised from the scene the question of leadership from NA is important. Another question- if one of the All for Latvia ideologues Jānis Iealnieks, who is known for his dubious remarks about Norway massacre on 2011, and love for Christmas ginger bread swastikas will not cause embarrassment on the international scene.

Green Farmers Union was on high heels on 2010 when it formed a powerful two-party coalition with Unity. A year later Valdis Zatlers declared a crusade against oligarchy. His hit list was Ainārs Šlesers, Andris Šķēļe and Aivars Lembergs. Lembergs a oil business tycoon, a major of port city Ventspils for 20 years is also on trial for state-wide fraud. His Venstpils Party is also part of the Green Farmer Alliance. After 2011 election the party lost its power and came only with 13 seats and was dropped into opposition.  Lembergs who was stripped from his administrative powers continued to lead the  Venstpils city and was victorious in the 2013 municipal elections. Reformist Edmunds Spūdžs tried to legally oust him from the office, but failed.

After Dombrovskis resign, Green Farmers came back to coalition and took over the Ministry of Agriculture and Ministry of Welfare. A rather exotic choice was to assign a Green Party leader Raimonds Vējonis as the Minister of Defense. The ex minister of Environment affected by the Ukrainian crisis begun to make calls for boosting the military budget, buy a new equipment and prepare for war.   Meanwhile Lembergs openly criticized the NATO, wrote open letter to NATO leadership about the bad behavior of the NATO sailors in Ventspils. He was then condemned by Vējonis. But, in the end Lembergs was again put forward as PM candidate.  With promise to end constant “obeying” to EU and NATO.

Harmony Center (“Saskaņas Centrs”), the main force of the Russian speaking community and leftist forces now enters as the Socialdemocrat Party “Harmony”. For years its main line that they are social democrats, that stood not just for Russians, but for all people in Latvia. Meanwhile the PM candidate Nils Ušakovs enjoys a posh lifestyle, spends the administrative resources for his political rallies and has led the state capital with deficit for many years. Ušakovs played significant role on 2012 two state language referendum of which he endorsed. His endorsement for referendum organized by Russian national radicals boosted massive support for the two state language movement. The referendum failed as 80% voted no, but Ušakovs achieved disharmony rather than harmony. When Latvia joined EU sanctions against Russia, and Russia in return banned the import of EU products, Ušakovs agonized over the closure of the Riga food store in Moscow. He blamed the Latvian government and went to Moscow to “beg” not to close the Rizhkij Dvorik completely. In process he met the Russian PM Dmitry Medvedev and Russian Orthodox Patriarch Kiril II. Also in the interview with the liberal Russian TV Dozhd he said that Vladimir Putin is the best one for Latvia, as if he would be replaced by Alexei Navalny who would be danger to the neighboring countries. Since Putin’s invasion in Ukraine, such talk seems ridiculous. Some 2 years ago placing Vladmir Zhirinovsky or the Russian ultra nationalists as scare crow not to replace Putin seemed to work. Now it does not work anymore. Harmony Center has failed to state what is happening in Ukraine and why they have association agreement with Putin’s United Russia party.  So they cannot no longer hide that they are pro-Kremlin party.

There is another pro Kremlin party that does not even hide it. Latvia Russian Union the ex Party for Equal Human Rights in Latvia, has taken the ultra nationalist spirit currently in Russia.  Their leader Tatjana Ždanoka a EU parliamentary deputy went to Crimea as “independent observer” for the Crimean referendum. A supporter of the Eastern Ukrainian “separatists”, she even went to Scotland to compare their legal referendum to Crimea one. The candidates of this party constantly warns  the voters of impeding Crimea in Latvia, if they would not be elected. Latvian Russian speakers are no strangers to Russian nationalist propaganda. There are many people here that would greet the Russian tanks in the same way some people greeted tanks in Crimea.

Ingūna’s Sudraba’s party is the biggest question and intrigue of this election. An ex State Controller, outspoken critic of the state funding and state policy after leaving the office her political future was in question. She was named as a potential PM candidate from the Harmony Center. Her connections with the Russian Secret Service was in question for many years. Then on same day when Dombrovskis resigned she came out with announcement to enter politics and form her own party. When she learned the news that Dombrovskis has resigned she fainted. That was just the beginning of her political crash course. Her new party is called  To Latvia with Heart “No Sirds Latvijai”. Party issues rather leftist messianic ideology to free Latvia from poverty and injustice. Her party gained large funding from unclear sources. Many of her party front-runners left the party because of the secrecy of the funding sources. If that was not enough Sudraba’s connections with Russian radicals and Russian agents popped up on the news one by another. Sudraba denied every each accusation as black PR. Even a video where she goes to private plane that belongs to Russian FSB agent, she denied that she is in that video. And then even more bizarre discovery was unrelieved yesterday. She has connections with a spiritual center “DVS Urantija” that preaches that Putin is a “child of the light” who fights against reptilians and grays. A kind a popular conspiracy theory in Russia, that describes that USA and EU is lead by aliens, and Russia is the only remaining spiritual country that fights of this invasion. That could explain rather messianic feel of Sudraba election campaign. As Bible has warned of the danger of a False Prophet, the Orthodox baptized Sudraba should bear the warning.

There are other more  smaller political parties, that could reach the 5% barrier. The ex Unity politician Einārs Repše has made political pro business movement (For the Development of Latvia) Latvijas Attīstībai. His second comeback seems rather doubtful as people had enough his time in politics and his liberal pro business utopia does not fit today reality.  Regional Alliance (Reģionu Apvienība) is formed from politicians within Latvian towns and municipalities. While their main  place of advance is the Municipal elections they hope to gain seats in the Parliament to affect local politics. That remains in the hands of the voters. Meanwhile Ainārs Šlesers a political veteran has never missed a chance to take place in elections. His last two elections was a failure, but it seems that a man has constant election frenzy. This  time he comes with party United for Latvia (Vienoti Latvijai). And he comes together with old timers PM Ivars Godmanis, Aigars Kalvītis, Jānis Jurkāns and others. Will people vote for the symbols of the old pre-crisis times, a times of spending corruption- Šlesers might also guess the answer – no. But, what is elections without Šlesers and friends?

Without mentioning the small fringe party lists, this concludes the story of the election contestants. This might be the most important elections in our history for decades. Will the right-wing Latvian parties keep the power and unite against the common enemy in Russia? Or the pro-Kremlin parties under “spiritually guided” Inguna Sudraba will take over? So all Latvian readers are urged to vote and make their votes responsible. The following weeks will be crucial for our country. Another west and east choice will take place. As Latvia is on the frontline of the New Cold War, the Latvia must choose between our independence and security or a Latvian Maidan.


Tagged: Baltic States, Elections 2014, Latvia, Latvian elections, Latvian Politics

Gustavs Klutsis

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Klutsis and his project for the Higher State Art and Technical workshop exhibition stand  1924-1926

Klutsis and his project for the Higher State Art and Technical workshop exhibition stand 1924-1926

Gustavs Klutsis (Klucis) was one of the most famous Soviet artists from XX century twenties. His brilliant constructivist art and impressive soviet propaganda posters has made a historic legacy. Gustavs Klucis was Latvian, born in Latvia. As many young Latvians he was caught by the First World War and ended up in Revolutionary Russia. He became a passionate communist believing his experimental avant-garde art has place in the new socialist country. He also believed that his propaganda art is in within the lines of the soviet politics and ideology. In the end he became the victim of his own beliefs and was sentenced to death by his own regime. Yet, his art outlived him and is popular today. He is not forgotten in Latvia. This year at the art exhibition hall Arsenal a large collection of his works were displayed. A worldwide known   Latvian artist that has the place in the Latvian history.

Klutsis was born on 4 (16) January 1895 in the Valmiera district Koņu parish. A Latvian family, father Gustavs and Mother Ede. He had two elder brothers Jānis and Ādams, and four sisters Elīze, Ieva, Klāra and the youngest Alvīne. He was baptized in the Rūjiena Lutheran church. On 1905  his father died in accident. Family was left without breadwinner and Gustavs had work in the farming and go to school at winters. On that same year the revolution in Russia broke out and came to Latvia. His brother Jānis took part in the rebellion and was arrested and sentenced 15 years penal prison. No doubt this affected young Gustavs political worldview. From 1909 to 1911 he took studies in the Rūjiena pro-gymnasium.

The Attack. The Latvian Rifleman. 1918

The Attack. The Latvian Rifleman. 1918

Despite desire to study arts, do to the lack of money he came to Valmiera Teachers seminary on 1912. On 1913 he started studies in the Riga City Art School. The director of the school was Vilhelms Purvītis a well known Latvian artist – landscape painter. He attended the school till 1915 when the war came to Riga. He was conscripted in the 9th Latvian Riflemen regiment. Eventually he came to Russia and witnessed the February Revolution and later the October Bolshevik Coup. He joined the Red Latvian Riflemen guard to defend the Bolshevik Government at the Smolny Institute and served as machine gunner. When the Bolshevik government moved to Moscow he was defending the train used by Vladimir Lenin and his henchmen. This closeness to the heart of the Bolshevik revolution boosted his beliefs. He met Lenin at the Kremlin garden and had a talk. When off duty he used to write sketches of him. There in Moscow his artistic carrier had begun. His first work featuring the photo-montage technique was called “The Attack. The Latvian Rifleman” on 1918. Later he employed the photo-montage at full scale.

Painting  from the Dynamic City project.

Painting from the Dynamic City project.

Gustavs Klutsis and Kazimir Malevich on 1933

Gustavs Klutsis and Kazimir Malevich on 1933

But before that he was involved in the supermatism and contructivism. He begun work at the Second Free State Art School (SFSTAS) workshop. It was lead by Kazimir Malevich the author of the revolutionary Black Square painting on  1915.  Malevich soon left the SFSTAS and was replaced by Anthon (Nathan) Pevzner. However, Malevich left impression on Klutsis. Malevich wrote a book about the new artistic systems and connected supermatism with cosmic spaces. His ideas about connection between two cosmic bodies – Earth and Moon that rush trough the space – the possibility of making a new supermatistic satellite that would enter its orbit creating his own new way. With its contacts lost with Earth it can be studied and researched as any new system.  Klutsis got this idea and started working on the Dynamic City project. Kazimir Malevich created The Black Circle painting that was used further by Klutsis as his dynamic cities grew out the circles with skyscrapers and constructive futuristic forms. The paintings involved photo-montage.

Klutsis wife Valentina Kulagina 1920

Klutsis wife Valentina Kulagina 1920

In the winter of 1919 he met his love of the lifetime Valentina Kulagin. A Muscovite artist she accompanied his artistic efforts and stayed faithful until his death. On 1920 he joined the Communist Party and came to Artistic Culture Institute (ACI). He kept his connections with Malevich who was residing in Vitebsk. His art became more constructive and formalistic as he has preoccupied with complicated structures. It went well with Soviet Union in those days when it was a giant laboratory of ideas and structures. He called his art as a experimental laboratory. One of his most interesting constructions where the Radio Operator towers – futuristic weird looking structures. Only few were made and photographed.

Klustis Radio Operator installation project 1922

Klustis Radio Operator installation project 1922

The constructions made by Klutsis

The constructions made by Klutsis

The constructivim soon entered the political posters. Klutsis had no problem of becoming a political agitator – instead he made the posters as art. Photo-montage first regarded only as small artistic element became the core of his posters. First posters including photo-montage came out in 1927. Already recognized as a great artist, his posters became famous within the Union. The avant-garde collages involving workers, soldiers and his idol Lenin as the central figure, the formation of the figures were impressive and mesmerizing. One of the most famous posters the 1928 Gym and Sports dedicated to Sparticide sports with brilliant photo-montage scheme of jumping swimmers was great example of his art.

Sketch for the poster "We dont need hysterical flows, but the calm joining of the iron battalions of the proletariat in to the party" Lenin 1924-1925

Sketch for the poster “We dont need hysterical flows, but the calm joining of the iron battalions of the proletariat in to the party” Lenin 1924-1925

He also designed expressive decorations for the soviet exhibitions in foreign countries. One of them in Belgium was vandalized by far right anti communists. Various expressive avant-garde pavilions and exhibition stands were made and projected during twenties. He also made stage decorations for the satirical theater play “Bourgeoisie Latvia”. He had lost all  connections with his birthplace and regarded it as any other capitalist country. Latvia was no stranger to avant-garde art it had its own modern art society. As  the modern art was condemned by the conservative nationalist Latvians, these artists were mostly leftists. During the twenties and thirties the modern art was often regarded as a communist thing because it challenged the traditional art as much as the communists challenged the capitalist order.

Stage decoration sketch for the satirical play "Bourgeois Latvia"

Stage decoration sketch for the satirical play “Bourgeois Latvia”

At the late twenties the power in the Soviet Union was consolidated by Joseph Stalin. One of his first grand projects to change the country as the introduction of the five year plan. A move to centralize the countries economy by bringing up mass industrialization and collectivize the farming economy.  For such radical and painful moves a influx of a mass propaganda was needed. And that is where Klutsis and his posters came in. The first five year plan was started on 1928. Klutsis worked with the IZGOIZ – the state art publisher. It ordered the posters and censured them. From 1929 to 1937 more than 50 posters made by Klutsis were issued. Working with collage, experimenting with photo equipment he could change the size of the objects, combine the negatives. He looked for the objects and  people in the newspapers, books, took the pictures of himself. With the equipment of XX century thirties he made the poster even better then now with the use of the digital software. His posters featured industrial themes, workers, factories and Lenin himself as the ideological leader. In one 1930 poster Lenin was shown with Stalin, but Lenin still overshadowed rather   obscure looking face of Stalin. With the omnipresent expressive red color combined with the black and white picture the posters showed the dynamism of the five year plan. Complete unity as shown in the Worker and the Worker woman with multiple hands raised up and one large hand. The largest hand belonged to Stalin the – leader. But in reality this was the hand of Klutsis taken for this poster. With his photo technique he changed the size of the had making a impressive poster.

Worker and the Worker woman all to elections! 1930

Worker and the Worker woman all to elections! 1933

Collage of the Klutsis posters

Collage of the Klutsis posters

On October 26 1932 Stalin attended the writers meeting at the  Maxim Gorky residence. He said one of his well known phrases that “the artists are the engineers of the human soul”. It was a signal to increase the propaganda towards the peoples minds to convert them completely to the new Stalinist order. Stalin was no longer a mere shadow of the Lenin in the Klutsis posters, he was the grand figure of everything. Stalin was walking with the workers a thing he would never do in reality. The USSR was called as the strike brigade of the worldwide proletariat. Red banner raised above the red globe was the ambition of Klutsis and Stalin himself. A grandiose poster showing gigantic serious Stalin overseeing the factories with the slogan “The Victory of Socialism in our country is achieved! The Fundament of the Socialist Economy has been made!” The god like figure of Stalin filled with strife and anger showed him just as the way he wanted to look like. Other poster sketch showing Stalin smiling with the pipe in his mouth was never released. Stalin was to be feared not loved. As the Stalin’s favorite author Machiavelli had once formulated – leader should be feared in order to be loved. But the Stalin was not the only communist god. In the Soviet Holy Trinity there is three gods – Lenin, Stalin and Karl Marx the prophet of the socialist revolution. And in the poster of 1933 Karl Marx is overlooking the entire planet with a masses of proletarians. Behind a landscape of broken factories the slogan says “The goal of the Union is the destruction of the Bourgeois” It was indeed the Stalin’s policy after the socialism in one county was achieved the Soviet Union will bring the socialism worldwide. In other 1933 poster the armed proletarians are united under red flags of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. Klutsis was still romanticized by the October revolution his scenes with fighting workers were still in line with the Lenin and Trotsky ideas. But it was not according with Stalin’s conception – the worldwide socialist revolution was to be achieved with tanks and bombers.

1935 Klutsis poster- Glory to Red Army

1935 Klutsis poster- Glory to Red Army

On 1935 Klutsis made one his most famous posters- Glory to the Red Army! Gigantic Stalin and Commander in Chief General Voroshilov overlooks the  parade of tanks in the Red Square. Together with bombers the might of the Red Army was shown in scale. The intention to start a new world war was clearly seen. Another 1932 picture shows the Soviet youth with guns behind the masses of marching army towards the victory. Two young soviet boys showing concrete faces, but girl in the middle smiles. A rather naive smile, these people few years later will fight in the front lines. But there is one thing we should notice in the 1935 poster. It no longer features photo-montage, instead all the figures are drawn. Drawn realistically. Onward from 1935 the new soviet art style was the “socialist realism”. It had no place for the expresionism, avant-guarde, and especially formalism. The formalists were condemned. The new realist was actually a neoclassicism. A kind of art enjoyed by Adolf Hitler who himself once made realistic paintings. Nazis condemned the modernist art. Their posters were grandiose but realistic. Stalin in many ways impressed by the Nazi Germany also followed suit. It is no wonder many soviet posters have so much in common with the Nazi posters. It was the same reactionary conservative art style calling for complete unification of the society and the world domination. It was the art of complete totalitarianism a totalitarianism that will destroy Klutsis.

Klutsis again remembered his Latvian roots.  Before his relations with the Latvian Soviet diaspora was rather awkward. Now the socialist realism demanded to show the life’s of the ordinary soviet citizens, also nationalities. He joined Latvian cultural society “Prometejs” (Prometheus). By their orders he to the Latvian settlements in Russia and Ukraine and depict the Latvian soviet citizens. The shock workers or stahanovians as they were called and the landscapes. All of them were painted in the realistic way. His photo-montage posters were no longer needed. On 1936 he also tasked to research the Latvian signs and traditional arts. However, there was no good sources for this task. In order to create ethnographic album for the Latvians in the Soviet Union, Klutsis used the ladies journal Zeltene (Lass) from Latvia. Klutsis was not interested in the national value of the Latvian signs of symbols he was interested in their form and precision. He however, made a large research work.  In his free time he made paintings of buildings and landscapes.

On 1937 he was in Paris, France for a few weeks. He attended the International Contemporary Art and Technic Exhibition. His task was to guide to creation of the photo exhibit in one of the Soviet pavilion halls. All the best Soviet artists were gathered there to show the might of the Soviet art. He was still needed, but not for long. Stalin was directing his country towards the great war. Massive repressions towards the old elite of communists from the days of the October revolution were issued in full scale. Latvians were considered as spies of the capitalist Latvia, in his war against the capitalist world they could no longer be trusted. Stalin ordered the extermination of the Latvian communists and public personalities – like Klutsis. He was too well known and no longer regarded as a genius artist. On January 17 1938 he was arrested as a member of a fascist Latvian nationalists. A accusation unimaginable for still passionate communist Klutsis. On February 26 by the protocol No. 128 of the February 11 issued by the Peoples Commissar of the Interior Affairs he shot at the Butovo polygon near Moscow. Butovo became the graveyard of thousands of Latvians killed by the Great Purge.

Gustavs Klutsis arrest picture January 1938

Gustavs Klutsis arrest picture January 1938

His wife Valentina Kulagina and son Edvards were spared. Only in 1989 Edvards found out what happened with his father. He was erased from the Soviet history for decades. Then on 1959 in Riga the deputy director of the Latvian and Russian Art Museum (now Latvian National Art Museum) Artūrs Eglītis wanted to bring Klutsis paintings to Latvia. It was the time when the Red Latvian Riflemen were again included in the Soviet propaganda. Without  mentioning what happened to them in 1937-1938 it was accepted to display the Soviet Latvian art. Together with Klutsis, the works of Aleksandrs Drēviņs, Kārlis Veidemanis, Voldemārs Andersons,  Vilhelm Jabub and Paul Irbītis were displayed for the first time in decades. After the end of the exhibit the Klutsis wife Valentina Kulagina presented the museum with of more than 350 Klutsis works. Also the Latvian SSR Ministry of Culture bought tens of more of his works and his personal archive. The Latvian and Russian Arts Museum and the Revolution Museum (now War Museum) got hold of enormous collection of Klutsis work. He was again remembered in other parts of the world and after 1991 Latvian National Art Museum displayed his works at the guest exhibits.    His works were also displayed in Soviet Union. Novadays Klutsis works are popular object of the Soviet art and history.  The 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics opening ceremony featured references to Klutsis propaganda works.

Gustavs Klutsis was one of the best artists in the Soviet Union. A true example in the constructivism and photo-montage. Unfortunately his communist beliefs did not live up the politics of Joseph Stalin. No doubt Klutsis would follow Stalin’s change of politics with greatest enthusiasm if the chance have been given. Instead he was shot along with other common minded Latvians betrayed by their beloved leader. But, his art has outlived his short life and preserved a never ending legacy of one of the most known Latvian born artists.

Selected Sources:

Derkusova, Iveta, Tsantsanoglou, Maria, Yates, Steve. (2014) Gustavs, Klutsis. Anatomy of an Experiment. Riga. Latvian National Arts Museum.


Tagged: constructivism, Gustavs Klutsis, modernism, soviet art, soviet posters, Soviet propaganda, Stalin, supermatism

British Royal Navy in the Baltic Sea 1918-1920 Supporting the Latvian Independence

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British sailors on board during the Battle of Riga 1919

British sailors on board during the Battle of Riga 1919

On November 1919 Latvian army faced attack from the much superior enemy – superior both in size and weapons. However, Latvian army withstood the attack and chased away the enemy from Riga for the final time. This would not have been done without the support of the British Royal Army, the French Navy and also Italian Navy. The British Royal Navy mission to Baltic Sea to assist Latvia and Estonia in the fight against the Bolsheviks made a great deal in winning the War for Freedom. The British Naval forces not only fought the Bolshevik navy, but also acted as artillery assistance against the pro-German forces that besieged Riga on October-November 1919.  This is a story of the British Royal Navy Mission in the Baltic Sea and how it assisted the Latvian fight for freedom.

The Russian Empire was the British and French most important ally. However, since 1915 when Germans marched deep within the Russian territories it was also the most vulnerable ally. German forces split Latvian lands in half across the river Daugava, but failed to capture Riga. Latvians formed the Riflemen regiments within the Russian Army to defend rest of Latvian territory and liberate the German occupied territories. The front stayed mostly intact until 1917 when the February revolution caused the breakdown of the Russian army. Germans captured Riga and later took over Vidzeme and Latgale. On March 8 1918 the new Bolshevik government signed peace agreement with the Germany and ceded Baltic States to Germany. Allies were shaken by this because now Germans could send their forces from the Eastern front to the Western Front. Their sent naval expeditions to  Murmansk, Arkhangelsk and Vladivostok to secure the large stockpiles of resources and armament both from Bolsheviks and Germans. Meanwhile the German government was reluctant to completely annex the Baltic States. Instead a plan was made to create a United Baltic Duchy that would be a German puppet state. It would be a constitutional monarchy based on the Baltic German political dominance. Its borders would include Estonia and all Latvia except Latgale. As it was part of the Russian province of Vitebsk with small German population. Lithuania as country with less German influence was allowed to proclaim independence on February 16 1918. Germans hoped to keep it under their protection, but Lithuanians projected a very nationalistic policy from the early start. On February 24 1918 Estonia declared independence, but day later Germans captured Reval (Tallinn) and chased away the German provisional government.  Finland meanwhile as autonomous part of the Russian army chased away the Bolsheviks and declared independence. Germans also considered it as ally state.

If Germany had won the Great War the Baltic States would become a formal parts of the German Empire. Supposedly sovereign but as puppet states. That did not happen as on November 11 1918 Germany was forced to sign ceasefire. The United Baltic Duchy proclaimed on November 5 1918 failed to establish a strong administration and after the German defeat lost its way. On November 18 Latvia proclaimed it independence. In Reval German troops started revolt and the Estonian government released from prison immediately started to work. The First Armistice at Compiègne included Article XII that demanded Germans to evacuate the troops from the occupied Russian lands as soon as the Allies would find an appropriate moment to do this knowing the local circumstances. Allies knew about the Bolshevik ambitions and wanted to have the German forces to keep Bolsheviks away from Western Europe. But, Germans in Latvia and Estonia had other plans as they still wanted a United Baltic Duchy. The revolutionary German provisional government was complimentary to this and supported them as discretely as possible.

Soon after the Germany had given up the war in the west, the Bolsheviks broke the peace agreement and wowed to gain back the lost lands of Baltic, Belarus and Ukraine. German army in the eastern front was broken and demoralized. The Britain and France had to make a hectic choice between German interests, the Russian Royalist White Guards and the new national republics in their struggle against the Bolsheviks. The ceasefire also allowed the allied fleet to enter the Baltic Sea first time since 1914. British government was not confident of the new Baltic States, but considered that they need to be supported from the Bolsheviks. Week after the ceasefire Estonian delegation arrived in London and asked to send troops and warships to support them The Foreign Ministry rejected sending troops, but promised to send navy and resources. British however were weary of the minefields set up all across the Baltic Sea. Bolsheviks also gathered their own Soviet Baltic Navy.

On November 21 1918 the first British Naval Squad set sail to the Baltic Sea. Under the leadership of the Counter Admiral Sir Edwyn Alexander Sinlcair the cruiser Cardiff, Cassandra,Caradoc,Ceres,Calypso, 9 squadron minehunters and 7 mine trawlers set sail to the Baltic Sea. Sailors were reluctant because they thought the war is over and wanted a long-awaited vacation. After encountering issues in Copenhagen when the coal transport ship became stranded leaving the mine trawlers without coal Sinclair  was forced to set sail to Tallinn because of the Bolshevik attack. The squadron passed the cold and stranded Liepāja and sailed towards Estonia. On December 4 across the Saaremaa island the cruiser Cassandra struck the mine. Broken in half the ship sank. 10 men died in explosion the remaining 450 were rescued by the mine hunters Westminster and Wendetta. Loosing cruiser at start of the campaign was a heavy blow. The light cruiser Calypso also had to be repaired because it collided with shipwreck in the Liepāja harbor. It took the rescued Cassadra sailors back home along with two damaged mine hunters. Despite the odds Sinclair entered troubled Tallinn. City was harmed by the food shortage, lack of coal and money. In the December cold the Red Army commanded by the Latvian colonel Jukums Vācietis captured Narva on the Russian border. Valka and Tartu also were captured.  Estonians asked British to make Estonia their protectorate and send military mission that would train the Estonian army and the small navy. The Russian Whiteguard North-west army was also in Estonia and asked British help. Sinclair rejected the white Russians because Estonians mistrusted them. Sinclair said that his navy can only stay in the Strait of Finland until it becomes frozen and the weapon transports are on the way.

Despite being asked to only make reconnaissance operations, Sinclair  understood the dangers of loosing Tallinn and started to shell the advancing Bolshevik forces. The only bridge across the Estonian border was destroyed cutting off the Bolshevik supplies from Petrograd (St. Petersburg). On December 24 Estonians begun successful counter offensive with sea landing operation at the Kunda cutting the Bolshevik lines from behind. While Bolshevik fleet stuck in Kronstadt Sinclair set sail to Liepāja to understand the Latvian needs. Bolsheviks had battleship Petropalvosk, smaller Andrej Pervozvannij and cruiser Oleg. And three submarines along with smaller ships. Their naval command was weak and the sailors were poorly trained. Most Tsarist officers were shot. Their commander was Fyodor Raskolnikov. His attempts to attack Tallinn resulted in capture of the mine hunter Spartak.

When Sinclair arrived in Liepāja he saw even more misery then in Tallinn. While in Estonia Konstantin Pats government had the majority support, the Kārlis Ulmanis government was not well received by many. Poor peasants, workers and unemployed welcomed the invading Bolsheviks. The Baltic German nobility was reluctant to support Latvians and organized their own forces. The legendary Latvian Riflemen were converted to Bolshevism and now came to Latvia to install Soviet power. Latvian government managed to organize few ill-equipped companies of students and volunteers. Meanwhile Germans formed better equipped Land Guard the Landeswehr, from the defeated German 8th Army and the Freikorps volunteers from Germany an Iron Division was formed.

The Russian Newspaper reports The English Ships are in Riga and standing right in front the Anglican Church

The Russian Newspaper reports The English Ships are in Riga and standing right in front the Anglican Church

On December 19 the British mine hunters entered Riga. The situation was even more dire than in Tallinn. Sinclair was informed by Latvian Prime Minister Kārlis Ulmanis that 40 000 German troops are preparing to leave Latvia for Germany. Only what was left 700 men from the Baltic German Landeswehr that was made to strengthen the Latvian army. Brits convinced Germans that they must apply to paragraph XII and stay in Latvia to hold off the Bolsheviks. Latvians were weary of the German army, but were forced to cooperate with them. Despite that German army did nothing for next five days. Bolsheviks were just 46 km from Riga. British started to load up 350 British and allied citizens on board of Princess Margaret. Then on 29 December two Latvian regiments who took retreat in Riga has risen up against the Latvian government and wanted to join the Bolsheviks. On January 3 1919 another Latvian unit went rouge. On the same day Sinclair left the harbor and took more refugees and members and supporters of the Latvian government. As the German Iron Division was defeated in Inčukalns on December 30-31 the Latvian government abandoned Riga and moved to Jelgava and then to Liepāja. The British navy left the Baltic shores and reached Rosyth on 8 December. The first naval mission had ended. It had failed to stop the Bolshevik advance in Latvia, but the Estonia and Finland were not overran leaving hope.

Admiral Walter Cowan the commander of the Royal Navy in the Baltic Sea

Admiral Walter Cowan the commander of the Royal Navy in the Baltic Sea

British Navy and Military were concerned about the fate of the Baltic States. It reported to the British government that to fight off the Bolsheviks a significantly larger expedition of land troops were needed. The British government rejected sending land troops to the Baltic States and instead again ordered to send naval mission. The Admiralty was against this. But, it assembled new squadron under the command of the Counter Admiral Walter Cowan. Cowan was one of the most experienced naval commanders of the British navy. His first combat experience was in the British Africa on 1895-1897. He also joined the land forces under the command by the Lord Kitchener  in the Nile expedition. He was awarded with the Exceptional Service  Order and then moved to South Africa. However, the Royal Navy was unimpressed of him leaving the naval service without their consent. So they wanted to cross him out of the service list. He joined navy again, but was not promoted. After marriage and honeymoon he joined the battleship cruiser Prince George of the Channel Fleet. In the age of 30 he was promoted as the commanding captain. On 1914 he as the commanding officer took part in the WWI naval battles including the Battle of Jutland. Awarded with the Order of the Bath, he was however disappointed that the battle was not won. Promoted as commodore and later as counter admiral he was sad that the war was over. When he was called to command naval mission to the Baltic Sea he was again exited.

He was instructed by the Naval command to support the British interests in the region and attack the Bolsheviks from the shores. The Baltic States had to be defended at all costs, however the support had to be only in therms of the naval support and arms shipment. Puzzled by the complicated Baltic situation Cowan set sail to Liepāja while being noted to not visit Riga or Tallinn. When he arrived to Liepāja, the Bolsheviks were just 92 km from the city. Germans were not helping instead they trowed in to sea guns supplied by the British for the Latvian forces. There was also a White Russian corps commanded by the prince Anatoly Lieven  – a member of the old noble German family. He was supportive to the Latvian state but was under the vile German command. Cowan had come to conclusion: “Latvians are powerless to help themselves”. Meanwhile the Estonian forces had chased away the Bolsheviks from their capital and moved towards Tartu and Narva. On January 25 the British were informed that the Bolsheviks were stopped along the lines of the river Venta. Latvian forces gained first victories and the German forces also reached first success. However, on January 31 the port of Ventspils was lost and Liepāja was in danger again. Cowan was asked to bombard the Bolsheviks. Their artillery batteries were destroyed and Bolsheviks fled the city. Latvian forces under the command of the colonel Oskars Kalpaks grew to 3500. Estonians agreed to form a  common front with Latvians against the Bolsheviks. And the German Major General Rüdiger von der Goltz arrived to command the German forces.

A vicious and cunning Prussian officer von der Goltz was known for his action in Finland where he helped to re-capture Helsinki from the Bolsheviks. As devout Prussian officer and nationalist he was against the Baltic independence and started to plot against the Latvians and the British. British had no idea of what danger this man could bring. On the path back to Copenhagen Cowan’s ships intercepted German cargo ship transporting unlicensed supplies to Memel (Klaipeda). It was a sign that the seemingly peace wishing Berlin government was secretly aiding the Germans in the Baltic Sea.

On February the frontline in Courland was satisfactory the Goltz forces were ready to lead the counter offensive. Latvians voiced concern about the German real intentions and Cowan was aware of this. He reported to London not to aid the Germans, but support Latvians ass possible for their need the money and support as much as possible. On February 21 first Cowan mission ended and he left, awaiting to return on Spring when the Bolshevik fleet was ready to leave their ports. British, French and US leaders were busy conducting the Versailles Treaty and saw the Baltic States as a secondary objective. The Admiralty voiced concerns on the lack of decisions and concrete stance. France had given the Baltic States under the British sphere of interests. Allies were against the Bolsheviks, but were not ready to send troops. Instead a financial and naval aid was only possible to the White forces and the new republics. Meanwhile Germany defeated in the West hoped to use their forces in the East to re-install their power there. Social-democrat government also hoped to arrange alliance with the Bolsheviks to head against the West once more. Goltz the ex imperial officer who despised the German republic was sent as the envoy of the German Eastern interests. But, Goltz wanted the power for himself and took over the Baltic States.

Liepāja on 1919

Liepāja on 1919

On March 2 the Latvian government uncovered  the documents about the coup plotted by the Baltic Germans under the leadership of von der Stryk. There was no proof of the Goltz involvement. He however moved to Stettin  (Szczecin) to avoid arrest. But, his man tried to seize weapons and ammunition on board the  steamship Saratov. British were concerned and predicted a coup d’etat by the Germans who has a strong force of 8000 man. Berlin was sending more troops than necessary. On March 6 British informed  Goltz that all supply shipments for Germans are brought to halt and no German ship may enter the Baltic ports. Goltz replied with strong statement that in such case he cannot lead the assault on the Bolsheviks and leave Latvia to its own fate.

Royal Navy decided to send new squadron to Baltic Sea. As the Bolshevik fleet was soon to be active and the Baltic States needed supplies and gun fire. The British PM Loyd George sent military and diplomatic mission. But, he was against sending large squad of the naval forces there. So Cowan with his light cruisers and ten squadron mine hunters returned to Baltic Sea. Cowan commanded the cruiser Caledon. Meanwhile Goltz had moved towards Jelgava and to avoid  the British embargo took away the food supplies for Latvian civilians in Liepāja. Cowan arrived in Liepāja and met Goltz. Insulted by the German demands to show entry permit, because of the discovered Bolshevik cell within the Golzt forces, Cowan raised concerns about the dire situation in Riga. He asked when it will be taken back. Goltz replied that he is not sure if Berlin wants him to retake Riga and that he has enough forces. He asked if he captures Riga will British would cancel the embargo. Cowan made clear if Riga was to be taken it will be supplied with food. Few days later Admiral was informed that because of the thaw all military operations has been canceled.  The roads were to no use so Riga had to wait.

On April 14 Cowan informed Goltz that the British government is ready to cancel embargo for a short time if the Germans would stop obstructing the buildup of the Latvian forces. Goltz rejected this. And he had a reason for it. Sensing the danger Cowan stayed in Liepāja. That was a wise move. On April 16 Goltz forces started a coup against the Latvian provisional government. Germans took over the Latvian command center. British learning the danger reinforced the steam ship Saratov filled with supplies for the Latvians.   Germans besieged the Latvian government office, but arrested only two ministers. Saratov moved into trade port. Ulmanis and the rest of government found refuge in the British diplomatic mission. British mine hunters arrived and stopped Germans from taking over the Trade Port. Scared off by the warnings of cannon fire, Germans left off allowing the Latvian government to  get on board the Saratov. Brits rejected Germans demands to hand over the Latvian statesmen. On same day the US military mission arrived surprised by the events and prevented the arrest of the Latvian officer.

The steam ship Saratov where the Latvian government took refuge

The steam ship Saratov where the Latvian government took refuge

German coup had backfired thanks to British action. The Latvian government had avoided the arrest, the Latvian forces disobeyed the German directory government lead by Baron Manteifel. On April 19 French navy arrived in Liepāja with gun boat Dunois and  guard ship Meuse. French captain Brison wanted to sail to Tallinn, but was convinced to stay in Liepāja to guard the city. On April 21 Goltz informed the allies that he has nothing to do with the coup, however it was necessary action to  arrest the Latvian government. Cowan demanded to call of the officers involved in the coup and release the arrested Latvian officers and MP’s. Goltz rejected and accused Ulmanis of aiding the Bolsheviks. Prince Lieven proposed to organize a Latvian coalition government of Latvians and loyal Baltic Germans. Cowan said its not the right time and convinced him to stay true to his country and try to ease the Latvian and German issues. 24 hours later London ordered him to demand to restore the Ulmanis government at once.  However, April 25 Cowan set sail to the Strait of Finland to counter the Bolshevik fleet.

Meanwhile Goltz condemned by the Allies and refusing to admit his leading part in the coup installed a new “Latvian goverment” lead by pastor Andrievs Niedra on May 10. He was rejected by majority of Latvians and the allies who asked to remove Goltz from Latvia. Berlin was irresponive. On May 15 the pro-German government ordered to attack Riga. Berlin was forced to forbid Goltz to lead his Iron Divison to Riga. Instead the Baltic Landeswehr and Latvian forces lead by General Balodis headed towards Riga. Landeswehr entered Riga first and started to terrorize and punish the Bolshevik supporters. They had reason for it as for months the Latvian Bolshevik government had repressed the Baltic Germans killing many thousands of them. The Red Terror was replaced by the White Terror. Day later Latvians arrived trying to stop the Germans from terrorizing the city. Allies were afraid of the German government rejecting the Paris Peace Treaty and Goltz forces attacking their ships and representatives and allowed Goltz to stay, but demanded Berlin to order Goltz stop all actions against Latvians. Berlin replied that the evacuation of the Goltz troops is underway and Goltz has done nothing against Latvians. For Berlin has not instructed him to do so.

The British main naval force moved to Finnish Strait were it fought the Bolshevik navy destroying their ships and trapping them in Kronstadt harbor. As Estonians were already chasing  Bolsheviks to Northern Latvia, the Tallinn was no more in danger and so as Finland. Meanwhile on the beginning of June Goltz moved to north to Vidzeme instead East to Latgale where the Bolsheviks had retreated. Estonian forces commanded by general Laidoner and the Northern Latvian army lead by colonel  Zemitāns has reached Cēsis the central part of the Vidzeme region. From the Latvian refugees in Estonia and Bolshevik deserters a large fighting force was made. Stronger than those on the western part. As Goltz forces moved towards Cēsis he was confronted by Estonians and Latvians and was defeated. Goltz retreated from Riga leaving only garrison of prince Lieven Russian troops. On June 26 Andrievs Niedra government accused of betrayal resigned. The Kārlis Ulmanis government who  spent all this time on board of the ship Saratov arrived in Riga the next day and was greeted by the cheering crowds. After the Red and White Terror Latvian majority finally accepted the democratic government.

The Latvians and Estonians had enough troops to completely destroy the Iron Division. But, the allied powers still wanted them to be used against the Bolsheviks. On July 3 the Strazdumuiža ceasefire was signed. Estonians draw back. The landeswehr Baltic German commander was replaced by the Irish Guard Junior Colonel Harold Alexander the future field Marshall of the North African British forces on WW2. He however had no German knowledge so he was assisted by baron Taube. Goltz was demanded to evacuate all his forces from Latvia as soon as possible. And to leave Riga at end of the July 5. He did that and moved to Jelgava. Germans withdraw their forces also from Ventspils and Liepāja. But, few could imagine that Goltz will give up.

British warships again entered Riga. Goltz was defiant both to Berlin and the Allies and delayed the evacuation of his troops still concentrated in the large parts of the country. Cowan and main fleet was concentrated on battles with the Bolshevik fleet. He led the raid on the Bolshevik war port destroying three warships Petrapavlosk, Andrej Pervozvannij and Pamatj Azova. The Bolshevik Baltic Fleet was sunken, but the British government was unimpressed as  they secretly planned to remove their troops from Arhangelsk and gave up the intervention. But, the main Bolshevik attack force was no more danger to Finns and Estonians.

From July to October it was relative peace in Latvia. Moscow Bolsheviks endangered by the White offensives wanted to give up the Baltic States So there was stalemate on the Latvian Eastern front. Meanwhile in Jelgava Goltz had not evacuated his forces. Making many excuses he delayed the evacuation and accused Latvians of attacking his forces. On April 1919 a plot was born to assemble the Russian WWI POW’s from the camps in Germany to form a White Guard army under German leadership. One part of them were sent to Courland. Their leader was phony Russian colonel Pavel Bemondt- Avalov. A adoptive of the Georgian noble, he started as musical conductor for the Russian cossacks. On 1914 he was Lancer captain. After being captured by Ukrainian nationalists and when released he moved to Germany.

The eccentric  Georgian “count” was only the front of the Goltz plot to strike again. His Western Russian Volunteer Army included all the Goltz Iron Division and The German Freikorps. German soldiers had to wear Russian imperial insignia. His force was well equipped with armored vehicles and warplanes.  Bermondt declared that his objective is to head to Russia and assist General Yudenich. And then on October 8 his planes dropped few bombs on Riga. The attack had begun. 17 000 Bermontd troops with 65 cannons and 24 airplanes, two armored trains faced 11 300 Latvian men with 9 cannons, 23 heavy machine guns, 2 armored trains, 2 armored vehicles and few warplanes

Cowan was still in the Finnish Strait. Cruiser Phanteon led by captain Curtis along with ships Aisne and Abideil was stationed in Riga. Along them the French ships. British ships was instructed to hold fire, but were caught in the fire exchange. Latvians secured the bridges and prevented Germans from crossing them. Germans had problems using their artillery to not hit the British ships. Cowan did not sail to Riga himself. He sent cruisers Dragoon, Cleopatra and Princess Margaret. Germans asked Brits to leave for they are standing in front of their artillery range.  Brits showed the Yudenich proclamation condemning Bermont and excluding from the White Guards. On October 13 French captain asked Cowen to start shelling the Daugavgrīva fortress so the Latvians can regain them, for the Germans are firing their ships.

Allied ships in Daugava. From the movie Lāčplēsis 1919

Allied ships in Daugava. From the movie Lāčplēsis 1919

On October 15 the Allied ships opened fire on the Daugavgrīva fortress. Latvians started to cross river Daugava to chase away Germans from left side of the river. Bermontd expressed confusion about the White Guard army fighting the Bolsheviks are bombarded by the  allies. He was replied that he is no White Guard as the General Yudenich does not recognize him. From October 15 to November 11 the allied warships continued to bombard the Bermondt army greatly assisting Latvian army. On November 3 a counter attack begun and on November 11 the Battle of Riga was won. Estonians sent one armored train. So the main fighting was done by Latvians themselves. But, the artillery fire from the British ships was a major supporting factor.

British ships also helped Latvians to defend Liepāja. Bermontd forces were unable to capture the important war harbor. After the victory in Riga the Bermontd forces were chased away from Latvia. It took a month for them to leave Lithuania. On December the defeated Bolshevik Baltic Fleet was again ice kept in the harbor. On February 2 1920 Estonia signed Peace Agreement. Latvian and Polish forces chased Bolsheviks from Latgale on January 1920.  Later on August 11 peace agreement was reached. The Allied Naval mission in the Baltic Sea had reached its end. The Bolsheviks in the Baltic States were defeated, Germans pushed away, Latvia and Estonia had reached independence. Petrograd or now known as Leningrad was captured and their fleet despite greatly damaged was still alive. But, Cowan and his allied commanders had made a great deal with their limited resources. Great Britain and France recognized Latvia de iure on 1921 January 26.

Cemetery for the British sailors in Jelgava

Cemetery for the British sailors in Jelgava

Cowan continued his military carrier on 1921 he became the captain of the famous battleship Hood. On 1923 he was appointed as the commanding officer of the Scottish Coast guard.   He was promoted as admiral on 1926 and ended his carrier as the first adjutant of King George V. On 1929 he was retired on the age of 59. When WW2 begun 70-year-old Cowan rushed to ask Admiralty for the job. He ended up in North Africa front and took part in the combat actions. On 1944 he left the military for good as one of the oldest serving officer in the British Army. He was also promoted as honorary colonel. The old man was most happy of such decoration and moved back to England. He died on 1956. As valiant naval officer and a great commander Cowan expressed great sympathies for the Latvians and Estonians and his leadership was crucial for the success of the Allied naval mission in the Baltic Sea.

Selected Sources:

Geoffrey Bennett (2002) Freeing the Baltic. Birlinn Ltd. Latvian translation Atbrīvojot Baltiju 1919-1920. (2012) Rīga. Zvaignze ABC

Juris, Ciganovs. (2013) Latvijas Neatkarības Karš 1918-1920. Rīga. Zvaignze ABC.

Latvijas Brīvības Cīņas. Enciklopēdija (1999) Riga. Preses Nams


Tagged: Battle for Riga 1919, British Naval operations, Latvia, Latvian history, Latvian war for freedom, Royal Navy, Walter Cowan

The Black Knights of 1919. The Baltic Freikorps and the Army of Bermondt

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The uniforms of the Baltic  German Freikorps

The uniforms of the Baltic German Freikorps

The Latvian national epoch Lāčplēsis - The Bear Slayer tells the story of the Latvian mythological hero Lāčplēsis fighting against the Crusaders and their vile leader the Black Knight. The 1930 Latvian movie of the same name depicts the Black Knight being reborn in the vile German officer who leads the  war against the Latvian independence. The Black Knight personified the most strongest Latvian enemies – the Baltic German chauvinists, revisionists and imperialists.  95 years ago the new Republic of Latvia faced two strong enemies. The Bolsheviks from Russia and the German chauvinist reactionary forces. While Bolsheviks striven for breaking up the old order, the Baltic Germans and their supporters from the Fatherland fought to restore the old German order and prevent from any major changes directed against them.  Both the Bolshevik Latvia, both the national state of Latvia was their enemy. This article is about these forces, their leaders and the fate of them.

Present day Estonia and Latvia had significant German population since the Middle Ages. The Livonian Confederation ruled by the Livonian Order and the Bishoprics was dominated by the German knights, merchants and nobles. The Confederation was destroyed by the Russian invasion in 1558 and to prevent it from being taken by the Ivan IV The Terrible, the Livonian Order ceded to Poland-Lithuania and Sweden. Despite becoming the Polish and Swedish subjects the Baltic Germans kept their rights and privileges. The Swedish administration in Vidzeme tried to reduce the power of the German nobility, but failed. The Polish leadership was more tolerant, the autonomous Duchy of Courland and Semigallia was lead by the Baltic German elite. In Riga the town leadership was in the hands of Germans. Yet German population in Latvia was around 3%. Yet Germans following the ideas of Enlightenment helped Latvians to gain education and knowledge. First Latvian schools and books were made by the German missionaries and pastors. They believed the peasants should have education to work better, but they never thought that the peasants one day could become strong enough to lead the uprising against their captors.

At the end of the 18th century all Latvian lands were included in the Russian Empire. At first the  Russia was friendly towards Germans – they entered the Royal Court, Administration and the Army. However, during the reign of the Tsar Alexander II the wave of Russian nationalism affected the Baltic Germans limiting their rights and enforcing Russian language and leadership. The Serfdom was abolished after the end of the Napoleonic Wars sparking the rise of the Latvian national movement. The new Latvian educated middle class started tensions with the disturbed Baltic Germans. At the beginning of the 20 century the rise of the Latvian Left movement was equally hostile to the Baltic Germans. On 1905 the Revolution came from Russia to Latvia. The revolutionaries both fought the Russian Tsarist government and the Baltic German nobility. The mansions in the rural areas were burned down, people killed sparking German fear from Latvians. The Russian punishment expeditions trying to stop the revolt made double hate towards Germans and the Russian authorities. Then on 1914 Russia came to war with Germany. On 1915 Germans entered the Latvian lands. Occupying Courland (Kurzeme) and Semigallia (Zemglale). It was a deciding point – while some local Germans greeted them in open arms – thousands of Latvians joined the Latvian Rifleman to fight the Germans under the Russian banner.

On February (March) 1917 the Russian Empire had crumbled. Courland and Semigallia was ruled by the German Eastern Front Chief Command Region (Ober-Ost) The territories were under the German Military Administration. Despite for calls to annex the occupied territories, the German leadership considered Poland and the Baltic States as a military buffer zone to keep Russia as far as possible. Germany first desired to sign a separate peace agreement with Russia that would be complicated because of the annexation. Second – Berlin was unsure of the reaction of the Baltic nations and the local Germans that would want to keep their local power. It was more preferable to either keep the Eastern occupied territories under military administration or form new loyal puppet states. The Ober-Ost was under the direct leadership of the commander in chief Paul von Hindenburg and his deputy Erich Ludendorff. The Courland Civil Authority was lead by reserve major A Gosler. Gosler believed that Latvians must be assimilated despite their intelligence and potential. Although he was forced to accept Latvians within the local rural administrative positions. The German propaganda expressed the ideas of the German superiority and Baltic lands as the ancient parts of the German world.

On September 1917 Riga was captured by the Germans. The city was visited by the Kaiser Wilhelm II  himself. On February 1918 all Latvia and Estonia was taken over by the Germans. After the peace between the Germany and the Bolsheviks a question was raised of what to do with the occupied Baltic States. On February Lithuanian and Estonian national councils already had declared independence. The Latvian Provisional National Council (LPNC) and the Democratic Block was pinned down both by Germans and the Bolsheviks were unable to form a national government. Now was the moment to realize the German dream of restoring the Livonian confederation.

The map of the proposed United Baltic Duchy

The map of the proposed United Baltic Duchy

On March 8 1918  the Courland Land Council (Kurländischer Landesrat) proclaimed the restoration of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. The throne was presented to Kaiser Wilhelm II. The response from Kaiser was positive and on March 15 he recognized the “Duchy” as sovereign state and was ready to sign agreements with it. But that was not enough. With German Military still in charge the Provincial Assembly was formed of the local Germans and loyal Latvians and Estonians. On April 12 the Provincial Assembly (Der Vereinigte Landesrat für Livland, Estland, Ösel und Riga) issued decision to form the United Baltic Duchy and asked Germany to take it under their protectorate. On September 22 Kaiser recognized the sovereignty of the United Duchy. The leadership was presented to the Duke Adolf Friedrich of Mecklenburg. Known as explorer of Africa and governor of the German African colony Togoland until 1914 he was noble candidate for head of the new state. On November 5 1918 the United Baltic Duchy was proclaimed. Until his arrival the Regency Council head by the Vidzeme Land Marshall Adolf Pilar von Pilchau was the acting government. The duchy was to include Courland, Semigallia, Vidzeme and Estonia. Latgale as region with less German influence was left out. The main pillars of the state was the individual freedom of political beliefs, rights of movement, private property and the national equality. That however, did not meant the full equal rights for the Latvian ethnic majority. The Latvians and Estonians would gain proportional part in the parliament.  The Latvians would be represented by loyalists lead by Fricis Veinbergs who was fro pro-German since 1905. From November 5 to November 9 the councils worked on the new state constitution, formed Land Council, elected local governors, some of them Latvians and Estonians.

However, despite official recognition’s Berlin was slow and unwilling to fully realize the Baltic Duchy project. One of the reasons was the ongoing war in the West, lack of resources and hope that after the victory the Baltic question would be fully solved.  The victory never came. After the capitulation on November 11 1918 the United Baltic Duchy project was abandoned. There was no common idea what will happen next. On November 18 1918 the Latvian National Provisional Council and the Democratic Block declared independence. The new state was based on the will of the Latvian majority, it presented equal rights for all national minorities, but they were based on aproportionality. That was not what the Baltic Germans wanted.

German military authority was turned into civil. The LPNC was recognized by the Great Britain as de facto representative of Latvia. Berlin despite abandoning the Baltic Duchy project still tried to support the local German population. But, the main question was when the defeated German 8th army will be moved back to Germany. The question was answered by the Bolsheviks. They annulled the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty and declared the start of the Worldwide Socialist Revolution. With communist uprisings in Germany itself and the Bolshevik threats to march to Europe it was vital for both Allies and Germans to keep the 8th army in the Baltics. For Latvians it was unfortunate, but there was no other choice as Bolsheviks were marching towards Riga on December. Latvian Provisional Government signed provisional agreement with Germany for temporary alliance that would include forming German troops within the Latvian national forces.

The Honorary Badge and Medal of the Baltische Landeswehr

The Honorary Badge and Medal of the Baltische Landeswehr

This leads us to the main part. The 8th army of 75 thousand man was breaking up. The commander general Hugo von der Kathen  had start evacuation, the army withdraw it forces to Istenburg East Prussia. Before leaving von Kathen signed the order to form a Baltic Landguard die Baltische Landeswerh. It was intended to have 18 Latvian, 5 German and 1 Russian company and 5 artillery batteries with the force of 7050 man. The commanding officer was to be Swede. Both local Germans and the Germans citizens could join. The main units were the Baltic German battalion, Stormtroopers, the prince Lieven Russian company lead by Anatol Lieven a member of the historic German noble family, said to be originated from the Livonian (Liv) ruler Kaupo on 12th century. The Latvian units under command of colonel Oskarts Kalpaks and general Balodis was also under this army formation. The first commander was major Sheibert from December 1918 . On February 1919 the command was taken over by major Alfred Fletcher. Born in Germany, fought on many front lines he found himself in Latvia. As imperial officer his main allegiance was the German interests. Many Baltic Germans feared the Red terror and wowed to protect themselves.

The Flag of the Iron Division

The Flag of the Iron Division

Another German formation was the Iron Brigade later the Iron Division. It was formed from the German volunteers or the German Freikorps. The paramilitary German movements spring up from the returning German soldiers taking stand against the Bolsheviks. Adolf Hitler was one of them, as they were instrumental of crushing the communist rebellions in Germany. Freikorpers also moved to Baltic States as they were the main frontier in the war against Bolshevism. The Iron Brigade was  first made to cover the retreating German 8th army. For these men with no connection to Latvia, it was war of loot and adventure. Many hoped to gain land and riches here.

On December 3 1918 Bolsheviks invaded Latvia. They took over Valka, Valmiera, Rēzekne and Daugavpils. Latvian Provisional Government was forced to sing agreement with the Berlin representative August Vinning to give Latvian citizenship to all German volunteers who fought in the Latvian lines for at least 4 weeks. It was viewed as disgrace by many, leading to support the Bolsheviks rather than the Latvian “German puppets”. Latvian ethic units given order to face the Latvian Red Riflemen started uprising and were disarmed by the Landeswerh. On January 1 the German Iron Brigade and Landeswerh faced the Latvian Red Rifleman at Inčukalns and were defeated. Germans tried to stop their advance to Riga and took the old WWI positions. However, they were attacked from behind and were forced to retreat leaving all the cannons and machine guns. The route to Riga was open. Germans evacuated it along with the allied warships and the Latvian government. Bolsheviks chased Latvians and Germans to Courland and stopped along the river Venta. The German forces were broken and needed leadership and reinforcements. The remaining Latvian forces gained experience and strength in battles with Bolsheviks. Berlin needed the right the card for the Baltic gamble. They choose the King of Spades – Rüdiger von der Goltz.

Rüdiger von der Goltz.

Rüdiger von der Goltz.

Von der Goltz was born in December 4 1865 in Züllichau, Brandenburg. He graduated War Academy, served the German General Staff  for 13 years. On WWI he commanded the German army 12th Landeswerh division. On 1918 he was appointed as the commander of the German voluntary Ostsee division to fight the Bolsheviks in Finland. Together with the Finnish leader Karl Gustav Mannerheim he directed the operations against  the Bolsheviks. The victory was reached, however ethnic German Mannerheim served the Finland’s needs. Von der Goltz was appointed to Liepāja to lead the fight against the Bolsheviks. As the commander of the 6th German reserve corps and the Governor of Liepāja he soon accumulated great power he wanted to keep after the war. He had no respect for the Latvian Provisional Government and was playing tricks with the British Military Mission, for he once served in the English department of the German General Staff.

The stabilization of the Courland front on January 1919 was not just Goltz achievement. Latvian forces under colonel Kapaks stopped Bolsheviks at the Battle of Skrunda, but the city of Venstpils was lost. The worst case scenario was to evacuate to Lithuania and Northern Estonia. But, in the same time Estonian forces secured victory and pushed Bolsheviks downwards to Vidzeme. The Latvian Soviet Army was forced to send many regiments there. As Estonians were defeating the Latvian Red Rifleman, on February the Germans became active. The 6th German reserve corpus subordinated to the Northern Border Defense Staff were filled with men hostile towards the Latvian independence. They were young well equipped men akin to burn the Baltic States with fire and sword for a reward. Many of them later became members of the Nazi movement and served as the Third Reich as generals.

The 6th reserve corpus gained success in offensive of taking Kūldīga and Ventspils. Latvians moved along only to be caught in the friendly fire exchange at Airītes that caused the loss of the colonel Oskars Kalpaks. Latvians and Germans tried to encircle Bolsheviks, but unexpectedly they retreated by side and both Latvians and Germans fired on one other. As Germans were not keeping communications with Latvians, but just relied on the information from the Bolshevik POW, it could be a possible  German political conspiracy.

As mentioned A Vinning, Goltz and their henchmen had no positive regards towards Latvians. A scandal erupted when documents were uncovered about the plot to overthrow the Latvian government. The “von der Stryk affair” caused strife between Latvians and Germans, however the Goltz involvement was not proven.  Was the Stryk plot a unrelated to Goltz or a diverting move from the Goltz planned coup remains a question.

The April 16 coup was opened by the landeswerh unit lead by baron von Manteifel who disarmed the Latvian garrison. With silent accept by Berlin the Fatherland front force security committee lead by Manteifel, von Rekke, A, Maidel was established. Next day they declared that the Latvian Provisional Government was dissolved. However, it was still functional as it escaped on board the steamship Saratov that was guarded by the British ships. Goltz plan backfired because of the allied involvement.   The Military Directory was not accepted by the Latvian commander Balodis who replaced Kalpaks and Prince Lieven. In attempt to gain some legitimacy a new government was formed by pastor Andrievs Niedra that was formed from Baltic Germans and pro-German Latvians. O Borovskis was the nominal leader acting as Interior Affairs Minister. War minister Juris Seskovs, Minister of Justice Baltic German P. Sokolovskis, foreign Minister von Brimmer, minister of Agriculture K Slienis, and minister of national enlightenment pastor J.Kupčs. Niedra at first did not participate in the government meetings hoping to reach compromise with Ulmanis and the allies. After that failed Niedra issued order to fire the Ulmanis provisional government. On May 13 in the Liepāja war port he was kidnapped by the loyal Latvian officers and was forced to sign the resignation documents.  He soon escaped and rejoined his government. With no support and recognition both from Latvian nation and the allies the Niedra government was only the Goltz puppet.

On May 22 after pushing off the Bolshevik counter attacks Goltz ordered the landeswerh to capture Riga. City was captured without a fight and the “liberators” started to terrorize citizens. Bolshevik supporters and everyone suspected to be such was arrested or killed. Streets were filled with dead bodies. Shot people were dropped in the city canal. Germans established their own court or the Standrecht (the neck court) that routinely executed people without trial. 2-4 thousand people were killed during the white terror. However, its worth to note that during the Soviet rule even more thousands of Germans and Latvians were killed.

The Goltz reign of terror was stopped at Cēsis on June 22. The landeswerh and the Iron Division marched towards the united Estonian and Latvian forces in Vidzeme. That proved to be fatal mistake. Niedra government gathered the Iron Brigade and the Landeswerh under the “Latvian Forces”. On June 4 Estonian and Latvia  command demanded the major Alfred Fletcher to move away from their lines. Niedra ordered Fletcher to attack and defeat the Estonian forces. On May 6 his forces attacked the Cēsis 2th battalion forcing it leave the city. On June 10 allies forced to sign ceasefire. Allies made decision to order Germans to withdraw from Cēsis, but Germans ordered Estonians to do the same. After reaching no common ground battle started again. The reinforced Latvian and Estonian forces held off the attack and struck back, defeating the Goltz forces.

It was possible for Estonians and Latvians to wipe out the Iron Division and the Landewerh once and for all. However, they were spared by the allies who insisted to sign ceasfire on July 3 at Strazdumuiža. Germans retreated to Jelgava. The Landeswerh was brought under control by the British colonel Harold Alexander. Prince Lieven forces did not joined the Goltz side. His company was moved to Jelgava and Liepāja. As Russianized  German prince Lieven did not want to fight against the Latvians and Estonians, he wanted to fight Bolsheviks.

Pavel Bermondt Avalov in the center

Pavel Bermondt Avalov in the center

The Black Knight struggle reached the final phase. A new plan was devised to restore the dream of the United Baltic Duchy. This time more evil and vicious. Germany was holding thousands of Russian WWI POW’S. They were unable to return to Civil war raged Russia. So Berlin devised a plan to gather them in the anti-Bolshevik White Guard forces.  The chosen commander was peculiar individual named Pavel Bermondt-Avalov. His origins were a mystery. Born as Pavel Berman on 1877 in Tbilisi Georgia, he was rumored to have Karaite Judaist farther and Georgian mother. He gained the surname Avalov from his adoptive father Georgian prince Mikhail Avalishvili. His military carrier started with the Ussurian Cossacks  as musical conductor. He took part in the Russian wars against China and Japan. During WWI served in Caucasus. He made contacts with Germans in Southern Russia, but was arrested by Ukrainian nationalists. Germans recommended to release him. He moved to Saltzwedel POW camp. There he gathered forces to fight the Bolsheviks. With  his men he moved to Jelgava on August 12 1919. The White Guard Leader general Yudenitch appointed him as commander of the Western Voluntary Russian Army. General hoped that self declared count and major general will aid his forces to capture Petrograd.

The West Russian Volunteer Army badges

The West Russian Volunteer Army badges

Instead he joined with the remaining Iron Division and other Germans to lead march against Latvians in Riga. His army was formed from the Count Keller Corpus named after the fallen Russian general was mainly devised from the Russians in Germany. The Vigolitch corps were also Russian mainly. The Dibitch Corps were mainly from German volunteers. The Pleve group also and so as the German Legion. The defeated Iron Division joined the Bermondt. Only 1/6 of the “Russian” army were Russians. The German soldiers had to wear Black Uniforms with Russian Imperial symbols. As some Germans did not know how the Russian Orthodox Cross looks like they placed it on their uniforms the wrong way. Their symbolism included the Iron Cross and skull and bones. Many of their members were future Nazi party members.

On August 26 in Riga allies called a meeting and issued goal for a common attack on September 9 towards the East. Yudenitch ordered Bermondt to send his forces to Narva. Prince Lieven forces loyal to the White Guard did so. The rest of the Bermondt army instead marched to Riga on October. His adviser was Andrievs Niedra while Goltz was pulling the strings from behind. The goal was to destroy Latvian government and make Latvia a Germanic Russian province and assured the White Guard commanders that after capture of Riga he would move towards Russia. Yudenitch and Denikin mistrusted the pro-German cossack and turned him down. Traitor Bermondt issued operation “Thunderstrike” Bliztschlag. A force of 45 thousand men started attack on October 8.

Goltz-Bermondt venture ended in disaster. After getting stuck at the left bank of Riga, unable to capture Liepāja they were pushed away from Riga on November 9-11. On December all of the broken army of rouge terrorists who later claimed they “killed Latvians like rabbits”, burning down Jelgava on their way back. The German high command sent statement on November 25 that Bermondt army is under their command now. Latvia in return concluded that its in the state of war with Germany. Germany replied that its in no means in the state of war with Latvia. Later when a agreement with Berlin was signed to normalize the relations between two states, Germans refused to call it a Peace agreement since there was no war between Germany and Latvia.

Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter right from Hitler planning the Beer Hall Putsch

Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter right from Hitler planning the Beer Hall Putsch

Various were the fates of the Baltic Freikorps. One of its members Ernst von Salomon later remembered: “We killed what fell into our hands, . . . We saw red, we had nothing in the heart of human emotions. . . what were earlier houses, were rubble, ash and smoldering beams, like festering sores in the bare field . . . We had lit a bonfire, there was burning more than dead material, there also was burning our hopes, our desires, . . . the laws and values of the civilized world. . . We retreated, bragging, intoxicated, loaded with booty”. It was no wonder many of them became radical Nazis. One of the most well known was Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter. Born in Riga on 1884, he first took action on 1905 commanding German noble self defense units. He moved to Germany after the revolution. During the WWI he was German vice councilor in Turkey. After Riga was taken by Germans he returned to work in the press center. For his service in Estonia he was awarded with the First Class Iron Cross. After German defeat in WWI he joined the Landeswerh and then the Bermondt army. After the defeat he moved back to Germany were together with Alfred Roznenberg another Baltic German from Estonia organized a secret German emigrant society from Russia.  Then he joined the Nazi Party and became one of the early prominent members. He made the plan for Hitler  for the infamous  Beer Hall Putsch on 1923. On November 9 1923 during the final phase of the coup attempt in Munichh he was walking arm-in-arm with Hitler, and was shot in the lungs and died instantly as Hitler and others marched toward armed guards.He had brought Hitler down and dislocated Hitler’s right shoulder when he fell. He was the only first-tier Nazi leader to die during the Putsch. Of all the early party members who died in the Putsch, Adolf Hitler had claimed Scheubner-Richter to be the only “irreplaceable loss”. Hitler dedicated his first part of the Mein Kampf to him and other fallen revolutionaries.

The fates of two main Black Knights Goltz and Bermondt were more humble. Bermondt moved to Germany and wrote memoirs of his adventures on 1925. As others he was involved in right wing movements. On 1936 he was exiled by the Nazi government and  then moved to Yugoslavia. When WW2 reached Belgrade he moved to US and died in New York on 1956. His satiric appearance as eccentric incompetent army musician wanting to lead the army, but defeated by the smaller Latvian forces haunted him his entire life.   Goltz moved to Germany also wrote memoirs of explaining his motives and actions. From 1924 to 1930, he headed the German government department on the military education of young German youth. On 17 July 1931 he handed over the command of the Economic Policy Association Frankfurt am Main to the Reich President Paul von Hindenburg. In the age of 80 he died on November 4 1946 after witnessing another major German defeat.

Selected Sources:

Juris, Ciganovs. (2013) Latvijas Neatkarības Karš 1918-1920. Rīga. Zvaignze ABC.

Latvijas Brīvības Cīņas. Enciklopēdija (1999) Riga. Preses Nams

Zariņš, Klāvs (2014) Vācu Okupācijas režīms Kurzemes Guberņā (1915-1917) Militārā Pārvalde un civiliedzīvotāji. Rīga. Drukātava.

Cerūzis Raimonds. Vācu faktors Latvijā (1918-1939). Politiskie un starpnacionālie aspekti. – LU Akadēmiskais apgāds: Rīga, 2004.


Tagged: Baltic Freikorps, Baltic Germans, Battle for Riga 1919, german army, Latvia, Latvian history, Latvian war for freedom, White Russians, WWI

Latvia 2014 The Year or Peril

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Another year is heading for an end. The last post of this year will be review of events that took place in Latvia during 2014.  In past I called the 2011 as the year or troubles, the 2012 the year of quarrels, the 2013 the year of struggles. What I choose for this year will be the Year of Peril. It was the peril of the aggression coming from our eastern borders, it was the peril of the new economic backslide and peril of perpetual troubles and struggles that started on 2009. Yet to start reviewing this year we must go back to November 21 2013. First it was the start of the protests in Kyiv, Ukraine that later affected our country and the Maxima supermarket roof collapse that took away 54 people’s lives  and lead to the collapse of the long-standing Valdis Dombrovskis government. Both these events that took place on the same time affected the Latvian inter and foreign policy. Around these two events the story of the perilous 2014 year will  be told.

Latvia and the Ukrainian Conflict

Last September I had chance to listen to the famous journalist and author Anne Apelbaum. The author of Gulag A History  and The Iron Curtain was no rushing to finish the book about the Golodomor the Great Ukrainian famine on 1932-1933. The book was delayed for many years because the publisher considered Ukraine as unimportant topic as nothing ever happens there that would boost the sales. So it seems that suddenly 2014 became actually the year of Ukraine. But, what started in Ukraine was no coincidence nor it was unexpected. The signs of brewing revolution and conflict were visible on summer 2013 when nation was discussing the coming EU Association agreement that the pro-Moscow president Viktor Yanukovych had promised to sign. At same time some publications were suggesting of possible conflict between Russia and Ukraine in case of moving towards west. One publication was called “Russia could blow up the situation in Crimea”.

The initial protests in Ukraine echoed in Latvian media and social circles. First support actions took place on December near the Ukrainian embassy. They were attended by 20-30 people, mostly the members of the Latvian Ukrainian Congress and the members of the National Alliance that expressed the support to the Ukrainian revolution. Yet the National Alliance  is pro-EU only for geopolitical reasons and their members like to play hockey with the Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko. Yet, every further Ukrainian support action gathered more people from all kinds of political parties and social circles. For the starting slogans of the Euromaidan were for joining EU, saying no to corruption and adapting the western values of democracy were appealing to Latvia. We had our barricades on 1991 were we stood against communism and destroyed the communist symbols. While Kyiv was celebrating the demolition of the Lenin monument in Kyiv we are wondering what happened to most Lenin monuments that were taken down on 1991. Yet it was not just about monuments and agreement signing it was a fight for independence and sovereignty. What the 2004 Orange revolution failed to achieve the Euromaidan struggled with blood – full freedom from the yoke of Moscow. Something that every Russian neighbor strives for and for Ukrainians it is matter of historical honor the original Kievan Rus against the Grand Duchy of Moscow – the remnant of the Golden Horde.

The Latvian official policy towards the Ukrainian revolution was supportive and it welcomed the new government that formed in the outcome of February 24 events. Yet what followed next – the Russian invasion and annexation of Crimea and further invasion in Eastern Ukraine started the year of Peril. Many call this ongoing situation as the “New Cold War”, originally this therm was coined by British journalist Edward Lucas on 2008. When Russia provoked Georgia in to war and occupied two of its regions. Later both Russian leaders Vladimir Putin and Dmitri Medvedev   later admitted that they planned this war to prevent Georgia from joining EU and NATO. Yet back then the Western leaders swallowed this event with shame. Soon the worldwide economic crisis shadowed the events that took place during summer. Yet the warning was given but not heard – Russia is always in for confrontation towards west no matter the costs. For the Cold War thinking was never given up for the Kremlin rulers.

To explain why Russia in confronting the west right now and has did for last 20 years is to tell the metaphor or the bear and octopus.  Russia likes to portray herself as angry bear. Yet, the bear mostly sticks to own territory and himself. He only goes outside his territory when  he runs out of food. Otherwise he is mostly peaceful if not attacked or disturbed. That is not Russia. Russia is an octopus. Its head and main body is within Moscow but its testicles stretches all around the Eastern Europe and Asia. It tries to hold all its neighboring countries within its grasp. Any attempt of trying to break free is met with hostility and anger. The octopus is also afraid of others trying to cut of his testicles and reach for its head. Without all of its captured assets the Moscow would be powerless and left to decay. And that’s why Russian propaganda is  telling tales of encircled fortress, the hunted bear and struggle to prevent aggression. But, from the history we know that all foreign invasions in Russia from the western side started as response to Russian aggressive policy towards the west. Since the octopus is trying to hold all whats around him this the reason why Russia did not respect the sovereign independent policy of Georgia and Ukraine, while open intervention in neighboring country is “brotherly help”, the involvement of the western countries in the Russia’s neighbors is viewed as aggression against Russia itself.   Therefore Russia views all its border states as their sphere of interest that no other country can mingle. And it’s not like EU and NATO really wants the Ukraine, Belarus and Georgia for their sphere of interest. Ukraine needs west more than west needs Ukraine. And the reason is the claws coming from Moscow.

Vladimir Putin may have prevented Georgia from fully joining NATO and made the same harder for Ukraine. However, his most crucial failure was to prevent the Baltic States from joining the Western block. The Baltic States joined NATO and EU on 2004 leaving Russia frustrated and trying to bring their claws back ever since. The Russian aggression in Ukraine suddenly raised the question of the Latvian security. The Latvian political games had managed to remove the influential minister of defense Artis Pabriks from the main political scene. The often hawkish politician for years called for boosting up the neglected Latvian defense budget. It never reached the NATO 2% of the state budget standard.  After collapse of the Valdis Dombrovskis Pabriks was called as one of the potential candidates for the Prime Minister. However, the President of Latvia Andris Bērziņš rejected him. Later he was elected as member of EU parliament.  The current minister of defense Raimonds Vējonis is a leader of the Green Party. A seemingly unusual choice for such post yet nothing is its seems in the Latvian politics. Vējonis has taken his job seriously and taken steps to boost our military budget. He has brought more NATO troops in Latvia, even tanks from US. However, the army itself needs capable army. The lack of armed vehicles is compensated by buying used ones from UK. The army needs new anti air radars to intercept low flying Russian KA-50 attack helicopters that were stationed near the Latvian borders. Even more crucial is the training of the new servicemen, the support for the National Guard and so on. As Latvia just cannot relay on Estonia that has barely reached 2% defense budget requirement and  slightly more equipped Lithuanian army. Furthest neighbor Poland is boosting up military while Sweden is just waking from confusion of the Russian submarine within its waters. Russia is constantly testing the Baltic security by doing almost daily air force flights near the Latvian air space. With their transponders off they force the NATO Baltic patrol planes to take off to intercept them. Recently even the old but majestic TU-95 strategic bombers took flights within the Baltic Sea. Recently Russia has brought Iskander missiles to its Kaliningrad enclave for “drills”. All this has made opposite effect – NATO is bringing even more resources to ensure the Baltic security.

The Latvian inner security is also under question. The underfunded police force and seemingly slow and invisible special services raised doubts. The Security Police had change in leadership – the ongoing general Jānis Reiniks was replaced by Normunds Mežveits. Trough out the year there were various attempts by locals to support terrorists in Eastern Ukraine.  From raising donations to sending actual recruits. While Estonian security service had exposed many Russian agents, the Security Service and Constitutional Defense Bureau had found none. The other important question was the Residence Permits in exchange for real state property program for Russian citizens. By buying real estate in Latvia the Russian, Chinese or other non-EU citizen could gain residence permit within EU countries. The National Alliance had campaigned to close it down for years, sparking concerns of danger to the state security. The defenders of this policy says its helps the crisis hurt real estate to survive and that some of the residents from Russia are opponents of the Putin’s policy. True that small portion of Russian dissidents has left Russia for Latvia, for it’s a country with high use of Russian language and that the former Lenta.ru banned by Putin is now working in Riga as Meduza.ru. But its only a small number. One part of the Russian investors only buy the real estate but is not living there, renting or selling to others and giving no other investments to Latvian economy. Russia a country with official anti-western policy but with tons of investments and property within EU and US is a danger to Latvian economic and inner security. So far this residence permit security has not fully abolished.

Latvia joined the EU and US joint sanctions against Russia. The Russian response – to ban the import of EU food products, meat, fish and dairy products affected some of the Latvian companies. Not only that the Lithuanian and Polish apple importers were forced to send their production to Latvia alarming the local apple sellers. But, the local apple harvest was poor this year anyway.  While most Latvian traders accepted this and tried to compensate the losses others openly protested therefore boosting the Russian propaganda. One of the most prominent complainers was Major of Riga Nils Ušakovs. Leader of the mainly Russian speaking voters party left unreasonable rants about the sanctions in twitter and said that he is going to Moscow to “beg” to allow at least some of the Latvian products. His main concern was his special Rishij Dvorik Latvian food stand that grew empty after sanctions. Despite his visit to Moscow were he met Dmitri Medvedev and Grand Patriarch of the Moscow Orthodox Church   Kirill his Rizhkij Dvorik remained empty and went to rock bottom after Russian currency crisis.

Ušakovs also sent apologies to the blacklisted Russian singers and actors who expressed support for the Russian aggression. Among them Josif Kobzon, Valeria and others. In the end International Music festival “New Wave” hosted by the Russian television decided to leave Jurmala resort and move somewhere else presumably Crimea. The Ušakovs rants about sanctions and blacklists raised another issue- the issue of the pro-Moscow parties within Latvia. The Harmony Center now known simply as socialdemocratic party “Harmony” found itself unconformable with the Ukrainian issue. While confirming they support the Ukrainian territorial integrity, they were reluctant to denounce the Russian invasion and broke the association agreement with the United Russia party – the leading party in Russia. While Harmony balanced as usual the other one the Latvian Russian Union openly supported the Crimean annexation. Their leader Tatjana Ždanoka – the communist orthodox from the 1989-1991 came to Crimean “referendum” as EU observer. Despite the condemnations Ždanoka was re-elected as member of EU parliament openly pushing the Kremlin interests within Brussels. Her party however failed to reach any success in the parliament elections. The other more radical forces the movement “Zarya” (The Awakening) run by far right Ilarions Girss and Jevgēņijs Osipovs were preaching that Latvia should become another Donbass. Throughout the year   various Russian ideologues entered Latvia as part of the organization Media club “A-3″ and expressed the ideas of Russian world and Euroasian state. Also the newly elected member of the parliament Ingūna Sudraba raised doubts about her connections with the Russian secret service and Kremlin elite. More bizarre was here connections with bogus religious group “Urantia” that believes in reptilian conspiracy against Russia and Putin as the holy savior. The invisible yet so visible reach of the Moscow octopus takes many passages to be described but this is a short glimpse.

The Collapsed Roof of the Latvian politics

The Maxima disaster left great shock to the Latvian society. The radicals wanted heads to roll immediately. However, the Latvian old saying of responsibility – Everyone is responsible, therefore no one is responsible again worked. The president Andris Bērziņš who called disaster as major mass murder had to approve his rhetoric.  After harsh talk with prime minister Valdis Dombrovskis, the latter resigned. Dombrovskis who had been Prime minister of several governments since 2008, lead the country trough the crisis and pawed Latvia to Eurozone had to resign ending an era. A question yet remains who stands behind his resignation that seemed unintended, – the president, parliamentary speaker Solvita Āboltiņa or the oligarch Aivars Lenmbergs   or all of them together will not be answered now. It will take time to answer what happened on late  November 2013. Right now Dombrovskis serves as European Commissioner for the Euro and Social Dialogue.

What was left after  Dombrovskis was political vacuum before 2014 October general election. As mentioned Artis Pabriks was turned down by the president or he was let down by his own party. The leader of the Unity party Solvita Aboltiņa refused to take PM office. The grey cardinal was growing unpopular within the voters so placed forward a compromise figure – the non party minister of Agriculture Laimdota Straujuma. A discrete careful woman the Straujuma became the first female PM in Latvia.  As the anti-lemberg Reform Party went into decay, the Lembergs lead Green Party Union returned to coalition and took over many important sectors such as Defense. Straujuma firstly considered herself only as temporarily Prime Minister until elections in October.

However, the power gap in Unity party was clearly visible. Two most prominent leaders Dombrovskis and Pabriks were elected to Brussels. The other members were not strong and influential to lead the country. So Straujuma remained as PM candidate for the elections and now serves her second therm.  The elections became nightmare for the party leadership. The party chairman also the chairman of the parliament (Saeima) Solvita Āboltiņa was not elected. The ongoing red-haired speaker has grown infamous for here arrogance and schemes. However, let’s be honest – the Latvian society dislikes strong powerful woman in office. But, Āboltiņa did not surrender. Jānis Junkurs the member of the Reform Party separatists, rather quiet and mysterious young man, now turned to Unity to run in elections. With his self funded election campaign he gained more points than the Grey Cardinal with Red hair and made in to parliament above here. But he was absent from the public scene after the election. Then on the day when the  new parliament was called he announced his resignation from the parliament. In such matter according to election laws the Solvita Āboltiņa replaced him. Leaving no comment the Junkurs left the scene and founded new company in Hong Kong.   Many obviously pointed that he was forced to give his seat to Āboltiņa. She soon took the seat of the National Security Parliamentary Commission showing that foxes never give up.

The National Alliance gained extra seats in the elections. Known as champions in conservative ideology they were known as champions in justice corruption. Of course nothing is proven. Only that both of their ministers for Justice and Regional Affairs were rejected to receive state secrets. So were taken out of game. Still Nationals secured the control over justice after the elections, and also gained the most valuable parliamentary speaker  seat that was taken by Ināra Mūrniece.

The Green Farmers – alliance between Latvian Farmers Union and the Green Party and the Ventspils city party of Aivars Lembergs benefited the most from the Dombrovskis downfall. Their main opponents the Reform Party had went into collapse. The Green Farmers returned to coalition and secured their old sectors – agriculture and welfare and also conquered the strategically vital ministry of defense and ministry of economy. The later was taken by chess champion Daiga Reiznience-Ozola.

The Harmony party failed this year. Despite winning the election by percent, they did not gain enough seats to form coalition. Nor they were asked to because of the  Ukrainian conflict. Their potential allies – For Latvia With Heart only gained 7 seats. More interesting was the new Regional Party elected member Artuss Kaimiņš. Outspoken, aggressive, often rude actor, he owned videoblog that was aired on radio for some time, where he interviewed his guest in the most bombastic way now entered politics. His main flagship was the Maxima disaster investigation on parliamentary level  and exposure of the corruption and injustice. After few months he was denounced for his drunk fight in rock cafe.  Its remains to be seen if he will evolve into Latvian Alexander Zhirinovsky.

Latvia so far rather successfully survived the national currency Lats transition to Euro. The patriotic nostalgia of the old beutiful currency soon was washed away by the war in Ukraine, as it was more important to be part of the strong global currency. The Russian propaganda tales  of the Eurozone collapse now is dwindled away by the real collapse of the Russian ruble. Now our neighbor Lithuania will enter Eurozone on 2015 making Baltic states under single currency.

Latvia – challenges for the 2015

Latvia will become the presiding nation of the EU. The EU presidency during these turbulent times will be crucial. In both of state security and international prestige. Russia openly harassed Lithuania during its presidency this year. Informational war and military threats are potential danger. Latvia has been exposed to the Russian propaganda for years and it will grow even more. Great concern is if Russia is planning more than informational warfare but a hybrid warfare using gaps in our security. Such actions can be dangerous for both Russia and Latvia as we are the NATO member. Another danger is looming in our neighboring country Belarus. For 20 years this country has been ruled by authoritarian president Alexander Lukashenko whose semi-socialist economy is depended on Russia. As the ruble in Russia went into decay the over inflated Belarusian ruble took a hit. Lukashenko is looking to avoid maidan in Belarus, by balancing between    Moscow and Europe and his people. Same as Yanukovych the Lukashenko maneuvers will end at one point leaving country in danger of either revolution or the Russian incursion. Since Belarus is our neighboring country that also should be considered as the fourth Baltic State, any major disturbance especially if its involves EU and Russia will be the prime interest for Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. Certainly the Belarus could be potential hotspot and game changer on 2015.

  The economical development is at constant caution. Latvia seemingly recovered from the economic crisis on the end 2013. We entered Euro, the remnant of the 2013 crisis the Citadele bank – the former Parex Bank that state had to nationalize was sold to foreign investors this November. The economical and energy dependence on hostile Russia must be limit if not cut all together. Russian economy is collapsing because of the western sanctions and the falling oil prices. Greater economical ties and cooperation must be established with Ukraine and Belarus. Russian economic sanctions are likely to increase on Latvia during 2015. On 2015 Latvia will be on the front of the international rivalry between the West and the Moscow octopus. The 2015 will be the year of the Goat. Goat is symbol of smartness, independence and wealth. Yet Goat is also the symbol of the Devils face. The Goat year previously was 1919 and 1991 the two very crucial years for Latvia. Lets be smart and independent and also courageous on year 2015 and reach new milestone and achievements.


Tagged: 2014 in review, Baltic States, Belarus, Elections 2014, Latvia, Latvian economy, Latvian Politics, new cold war, Russia, Russian Aggression, Ukraine

Latvian History Blog 2014 in review

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The WordPress.com stats helpers prepared a 2014 annual report for this blog.

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The Louvre Museum has 8.5 million visitors per year. This blog was viewed about 170,000 times in 2014. If it were an exhibit at the Louvre Museum, it would take about 7 days for that many people to see it.

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Jews and Latvians in the 1905 Revolution

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The Bloody Sunday on the January 22 (9 according to Julian calendar still used in Russian Empire) was a wakeup call for many nations across the Russian Empire. For Russians it was a fight for more political and social rights. For Latvians it was fight also for greater national rights. This was shared also by the Jewish people living across the Russian Empire. Their main strive was to defend themselves from the violent anti-Semitism and abolish all restrictions towards them. Together with Latvian revolutionaries they were united under one common goal – to bring down the oppressive absolute tsar Nicholas II monarchy. The revolution of 1905 was one of the interesting moments in history where despite cultural and ethnic differences the Latvian and Jewish revolutionaries fought together and even averted the anti-Jewish pogrom attempt in Riga.

Russia was stranger to Jews until the first partition of Poland on 1772 . After the final land grab on 1795 Russia gained enormous territories of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.  For centuries Poland had large Jewish population. They were in large numbers in present day Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania and Latvia. The 1897 First All-Russia national census counted 142 315 Jews within modern borders of Latvia 7,4% of the population. To keep Jews from moving to Moscow or Petersburg Russia introduced the Pale of Settlement (Черта́ осе́длости) a territory for permanent Jewish settlement and it was forbidden to live outside it. Originally only the eastern Latvian part of Latgale was within the Pale of Settlement as it was part of the Province of Vitebsk. But, a sizable Jewish population already lived in Courland. Despite many restrictions Jews managed to settle or work in Riga. Northern Latvian part of Vidzeme renamed almost unreachable to Jews with very small population. Jewish youth faced hard conscription rules for 12 years to serve in army, taxes were higher for them.

During the reign of the liberal Tsar Alexander II the Jewish relations with the state eased but after his assassination the relations gotten again to worsen level. Reactionary forces blamed Jews in the murder first pogroms took place. Pogrom – a large scale violence soon became a synonym for major violent attacks directed towards Jews. A violence that led to a political response from the Jewish nation. One part of them joined the Zionist movement that called for unification of the Jewish people under national means. They rejected assimilation and conversion to Christianity as it would not completely erase anti-Semitism. As Jews will always be regarded as strangers no matter how emancipated in the society they are. There were Zionist movements in Latvia, but their part in the revolution of 1905 was insignificant. And it’s another story to be told in future. The main force of the 1905 revolution was the far left social democrats and within them the Jewish Bund.

The Bund represented the masses of the Jewish workers or the so called Proletariat. Although Jews were always stereotyped as wealthy traders, large masses of Jews worked for 14 hours in a day with low wages and lived in poor unsanitary conditions.  Plus the nationally based restrictions made then to unite under the Red Banner that promised equal rights for all nations. The Bund was founded in Vilnius on 1897 as the Universal Jewish Labor Union in Poland, Lithuania and Russia. Later it was commonly known as the Bund (alliance).Bund was the first major Jewish party in Russia and also the first social democratic party. As the Russian Social Democratic Workers party (RSDWP) was founded a year later. Bund joined them and took active part in the strikes and demonstrations. The Russian authorities persecuted them and arrested their leaders. Later because of the national differences on 1903 Bund left the RSDWP, but cooperated with them during the revolution. While the Bund rejected the nationalistic Zionist ideas, they agreed in need of having Jewish schools and keeping the national traditions. However, they were strongly against the role of the religion and insisted on secularity.

The industrialized Riga and other parts of the Baltic province was no stranger to the workers movement. Some Jews  like Jankel Epstein from Daugavpils were first to direct the movement. Bund was popular among the Jewish students within the Riga Polititechnical Institute some of them were ejected from it. Daugavpils with major Jewish population –  most of them workers was the main headquarters for the Bund. They took part in all strikes and protests including the major First May demonstration that took place in many cities of Russia. Because the demonstration in Vilnius caused rough government response by publicly whipping the organizers, that in response caused attack on the general governor, in Riga local Bund members created a armed resistance group. The external Bund bureau however asked to resort from violence.

The Russian defeat in the war with Japan led towards economical downfall. On January 9  (22) 1905 in Petersburg the large peaceful crowd marching towards the Tsars main palace asking him to listen to their petition was fired upon by the Tsars guard causing bloodbath known as the Bloody Sunday. The largest country in the world with modernizing society, but with decadent absolute monarchy went into rage. Nicholas II witnessed the murder of the Alexander II  who was killed by anarchists despite abolishing serfdom and intending to write a constitution. Because of this, Nicholas II was slow and reactionary to reforms. But, the people across the Russia had enough of this. So as the Latvian people.

The leading force of the Latvian revolutionaries was the Latvian Social Democratic Workers Party, united with Bund on January 13 it hosted a demonstration march in Riga for the fallen comrades in Petersburg. The large demonstration of 10 000 people lead by LSDWP leader Ansis Bušēvičs marched from Moscow Street to the city center. Despite Buševičs calling to end the demonstration and lower the red flags , large parts of crowds did not listen and moved towards the armed cavalry of Cossacks.Police and Cossacks responded with fire killing more than 70 people. Many tried to cross the frozen river Daugava to escape the shooting and drowned. Among the killed were five Jews and 9 wounded. The fallen were young men 22 year old Eliass Epstein, Michael David Abramovich of the same age, 17 year old Izrail Jaschikov, Chaim Jankel Sperling 18 years old and 22 years old Michail Ucca. Two among them were from the Bund.

Revolution sparked out in Latvia. Bund started major activities. On 1905 and 1907 two general strikes were held in Daugavpils. An odd form of strike was held in Riga on 1905 May and June a strike of the producers and traders of the kosher meat that left the kosher eating Jews of Riga without kosher food for almost a month. It’s not known how significant was the kosher only population that suffered from this as not all Jews applied to the religious rules. On summer of 1905 the rural workers in Kurzeme (Courland) issued a general strike and Tsarist government issued a state of war within the Courland province. On September 16 the Jewish-Latvian students of the Riga Politechnical institute issued protest in support of the striking field workers.

When the protests resorted to arms Jews joined Latvians in armed assault against the Riga Central Prison to free their imprisoned comrades. In the night of September 6 to 7 47 Latvian and five Jewish fighters raided the prison and freed two main revolutionaries J Lācis and J  Šļesers. Also the famous LSDWP commando who became an anarchist Jānis Žāklis later known as the Peter the Painter whose mother was a Lutheran Jew. He took part in most of the armed actions against the Tsarist authorities. However, later he became too violent and was rejected by his social democrat comrades.

The use of violence was a great issue for the Latvian revolutionaries. At the end of the 1905 the revolution was close to failure. On December 9 armed uprising begun in Moscow. Some Latvian, Russian and the Bund called for armed uprising in Riga too. They even insisted on storming the Fortress of Daugavgrīva where the main Riga garrison was stationed. The majority of LSDWP was against such bloodshed, however the Bund did not back down and joined the radical Russian social democrats who wanted the uprising. In long frantic talks from December 11 to December 16 the LSDWP convinced the Bund not to start uprising and general strike. On December 18 the interim Baltic general governor general-lieutenant V Sologob arrived in Riga and started the punishment expeditions.

In one cause the Bund and LSDWP was united without question. Do not allow any pogroms in Riga and elsewhere around Latvia. LSDWP as marxist party was against anti-Semitism and called for general human rights regardless of nationality. Even the future Latvian nationalist leader Arveds Bergs called for full cooperation between Latvians and Jews and asked to give them full rights. On the other side the Latvian monarchist Fricis Veinbergs published anti-Semitic slogans supporting the pogroms.

The 1905 revolution again ignited the pogroms in Russian Empire. The last major pogrom took place in Kishinev modern day Moldova. While Tsar openly condemned this, in private he expressed support for anti-Semitism that could unite nation in support for his regime. The major radical supporters of the Tsar Nicholas II were the far right radicals often with ultra-orthodox views. These people were called the “Black Hundred” (Чёрная сотня). The ideals of the Black Hundred were mix of Russian imperialism, chauvinist nationalism, and religious fundamentalism. Together with violent anti-Semitism the Black Hundred was the first early fascists. Sadly this form of Russian far right is gaining prominence again in the modern day Russia.

It was not just Black Hundred that was responsible for waves of pogroms in Ukraine, Russia and Belarus. On October 18-20 in Odessa 400 people were killed. The Tsarist police although condemning the attacks and trying to arrest the perpetrators, often did nothing on purpose as they believed the majority of the revolutionaries were Jews. Tsar and the Church condemned the attacks, but they also thought that they help them to quell the revolution. Such pogroms could take place in Latvia also but were stopped by the joint Latvian and the Jewish efforts.

First violent attacks against the Jews took place in city of Ludza. But, they were small scale attacks on shops and were stopped by locals. Daugavpils was filled with rumors about coming pogroms in April but did not happen. On August the Riga port workers turned violent and wanted to attack the Jews. This time the police and Cossacks stopped them. On October 17 Tsar was forced to issue his manifesto that gave some of his powers away. The reactionaries blamed the Jews and on October 18 a pogrom started in Kyiv. Then in Riga the local Russian workers who supported the Tsar became violent. They mostly lived in the Moscow district where many Jews lived too and were angry that they liked the new freedoms granted by the weakened Tsar. Riots started on October 22-23. However, these riots only were a attempt to start a pogrom.

On October 22 first clashes between the Russians, Jews and Latvians took place on Lielā Kalna Street near the Orthodox Church. The angry Russians were from the Kuznetsov porcelain factory who assaulted both Latvians and Jews. The fight was stopped only by the arrival of the Cossacks. After learning the news both the LSDWP and Bund decided to form the self defense groups to defend both Latvian and Jewish supporters.

On October 23 the workers of the Kuznetsov factory gathered for a patriotic march a small crowd of 100-150 men. Despite having support for the Black Hundred, there was no such working Black Hundred organization within Latvia at that time. The marchers holding the pictures of Tsar and holding icons marched along the streets of  the Moscow district. The marchers started to attack everyone who they disagreed with along the way even Russians. Bloodshed erupted between the marchers, Cossacks and the LSDWP and Bund armed units. Among them the future foreign minister Fēliks Ceilēns. Angry mob joined by homeless and scoundrels attacked the Jewish shops reached the Yaroslavl street 44/43 (now Ludza street) where the Jewish Social home was located and was ready to attack it.

Fortunately the Jewish defenders along with Latvian comrades had already taken the defensive positions. Attackers were held back by the fire, and the Cossacks rushed to the scene to stop both of them. The major pogrom attempt was stopped although later in separate incident one Jew named Jankel Poplak was killed. Also Jew Zalman Gurevich was killed before him. 4 Latvian self defenders were killed in the clashes. 2 Latvians were killed by the angry mob. 3 Russians died along. A total of 47 people were killed or hurt. Majority of them were Latvians. Meaning this was not just pogrom attack against Jews but also against Latvians. As the Russian monarchists regarded Latvian revolutionaries as enemies too.

On October 24 the governor of Vidzeme Nicholas Zvegincev banned all patriotic demonstrations with the pictures of the emperor and the Russian anthem. With Tsar still in place this was clearly attempt of preventing pogrom. Similar clashes on the same time took place in Daugavpils resulting the death of the Jewish combatant Aron Feldman.

The major pogrom was avoided in Riga, because there was no major support for it among Latvian population. Also the Riga Tsarist police and the Cossacks were on the active side of the law. And of course the Latvian-Jewish joint defense groups fought off the Russian radicals. This is a rare event when pogrom was prevented in the major city of the Russian Empire. Other cities were not so fortunate.

After the failure of the 1905 revolution both the LSDWP and Bund worked underground. The outbreak of the First World War caused many Latvians and Jews to take refuge in Russia. The Pale of Settlement was broken. The Revolution of 1917 again took Latvian and Jewish leftists on the streets. Some joined the Bolsheviks. Other sided with democratic Republic of Latvia. During the period of 1918-1934 both LSDWP and Bund took part in the Latvian politics and worked together.

Selected Sources:

Stranga, Aivars (2006) 1905-1906. gada revolūcijas lappuses. Žurnāls Latvijas Vēsture. Nr.2.

Stranga,Aivars. (2008) Ebreji Baltijā no ienākšanas pirmsākumiem līdz holokaustam 14. gadsimts-1945. gads. Rīga. LU Akadēmiskais Apgāds.

Mendels, Bobe (2006) Ebreji Latvijā. Rīga. Šamir.


Tagged: 1905 revolution, antisemitism, Baltic States, Jews, Latvia, Latvian history, Pogroms, Russian Revolution, social democrats

Zionist movement in Latvia 1918-1940

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The elected Jewish politicians in the middle the Latvian Zionist leader Mordehai Nurok

The elected Jewish politicians in the middle the Latvian Zionist leader Mordehai Nurok

On 18-19th century the nationalist movement became popular among many nations among Europe. Nationalist idea presented the unity by ethnic and cultural means and formation of a national state. For each nation the nationalism manifested in different ways. For French and British nationalism evolved into imperialism. For nations under foreign rule like Latvians the nationalism evolved into struggle for self determination. For the Jewish people their unique position in Europe made them create a specific type of nationalism – Zionism. For the nation left without homeland living in Diaspora among many places of the world the Zionism meant many things. First the rejection of assimilation and conversion to Christianity instead openly display their Jewish identity and demand equal rights in countries they lived. Second the ultimate goal – the creation of a Jewish state in their historical homeland in Middle East. Zionist movement appeared in late 19th century and reached Latvia that had significant Jewish population. At first it was rather weak, but after the foundation of the Republic of Latvia it became prominent even among other Jewish movements among Europe. This article is about these Zionist movements in Latvia, who were they and what they meant for Latvians and the Jews.

The Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook born in Grīva, Latvia

The Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook born in Grīva, Latvia

The term Zionism was first used by Nathan Birnbum on 1982 in Vienna. The roots of the idea were at least 20 years older and expressed by thinkers including Rabbi from Bauska Mordechai Eliasberg who said people is only possible in their homeland. Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook who was born the Grīva present day Latvia on 1865. He is regarded as one of the most prominent religious thinkers who developed these ideas further. Ultimately this Latvia born scholar became the first Chief Rabbi of the Ashkenazi Jews in British Mandate of Palestine. But, the Zionist idea on the political level was raised by Jewish physician from Odessa Leo Pinsker. His book Auto-Emancipation published in Berlin on 1882 outlined the idea of the political Zionism. In his pamphlet he urged his fellow Jewish people to strive for independence and self-determination and reject assimilation and conversion that will not entirely remove anti-semitism. A state governed by Jews in the place of their own was further elaborated by Theodor Herzl in his Judenstaat – The Jewish State on 1896 and made the zionist idea widespread. There was a reason why one of the first proponents of Jewish national idea came from Russian Empire like Rabbi Cook and Leo Pinsker – the Jewish rights were in backwards state comparing to Western Europe. Thats why the ideas of Leo Pinsker where not generally accepted in Germany but praised in Russia.

The first Zionist organization in Russia was BILU society on 1882. On 1884 it was replaced by Hovevei Zion society. They established branches in Liepāja, Daugavpils, Krustpils, Bauska and other cities within present day Latvia. They did not manage to start colonization of Palestine owned by the Ottoman Empire. The boost was given by more practical ideas of Theodor Herzl and formed in the First Zionist Congress in Basel Switzerland on 1897. Russia’s Jews faced pogroms as early as from 1880ies causing them to look for common political ideology of defiance. Herzl works were known in Latvia and evolved in different movements. Some called them Palestiophiles, among them V Kaplan, L Shalit,  Z Berman J Tron and others. They split up in political and spiritual Zionists. The third movement was Socialist Zionism organized in movement Poaley Zion and Ceire Zion who worked in Riga, Daugavpils, Ludza, Tukums and many other places. They were outscored by the Bund who were Jewish Marxists who played major role in the 1905 revolution and enjoyed greater popularity. As Marxists they rejected national and religious ideas instead focused on social issues and rights of the Jewish workers.

The First World War disrupted the lives of Jews in Latvia. Many were deported from combat areas in false accusations of spying, many took refuge by themselves. Large portion of them ended up in Russia. Together with Latvians, the Jews had the most organized refugee support societies. After the fall of the Russian monarchy on 1917 the Jewish movement split up in many ways. Many joined the Bolsheviks, others stayed true to the social-democracy regarded as Mensheviks. The Bund in Latvia rejected the communist party. Others in the light of the events in Palestine saw chance in revival of Zionism. The 1917 Balfour Declaration promising “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people” however failed to match the Zionist expectations. The Zionist Leader Chaim Weizmann made agreement with Arab leader Emir Faisal for Jewish-Arab cooperation that would give Palestine to Jews, while Faisal receives a united Arab kingdom within Syria, Lebanon and Iraq. Faisal’s logic was that Jews were wise and rich enough to turn Palestinian desert into garden while Arabs have the great kingdom in Baghdad and Damascus. However, the Allied powers failed his expectations by creating the Palestinian Mandate governed by British, giving Syria to France and Iraq to UK.  Such betrayal to the both to Arabs and Jews created a decades of war and hate still not solved until this day.

Meanwhile for Jews in Latvia there were three choices: support the Bolshevik Latvian Soviet Republic that was hostile to religion and national self-determination.  Support the Germanic Baltic Duchy that may give some rights to the Jewish minority or support the Republic of Latvia that promised equal rights for all nationalities in Latvia. At first the third choice did not seem obvious- the Latvian Provisional Government was weak and seemed short lived. However, some Jewish representatives joined the Latvian Peoples Council from the start. After the victories over Bolsheviks and Germans on the summer of 1919 the third choice was now the primary one. More than 1000 Jews took part in the ranks of the Latvian army. Some were decorated. After the independence was won it was time for Jews in Latvia to make out what is best for themselves.

The Republic of Latvia was a champion of the minority rights in the post war Europe. Jews finally had chance for their own schools supported by state, cultural movements and political parties to elect in parliament and local municipalities. The 93 479 Jews in Latvia (according to 1935 census) were different kind of people. Some of them were traders, shopkeepers, craftsmen, doctors, teachers, workers and poor. And different was their political and even religious views. In 20 years of independence the Jews in Latvia failed to create united organization to represent the entire Jewish community. The zionists were not united among themselves. The socialists and orthodox opposed them and each other. So the Jewish political climate in Latvia was diverse.

Zionism in Latvia had many wings. The Histadrut Chazionist party founded on 1919 represented the general right wing bourgeoisie Jews. They had sections in all Latvia, their idea was to create a national zionist center in Palestine and improve the lives of Jews within Diaspora. Other aspect of their ideology was to increase the Jewish involvement in the agricultural and industrial sector. Party was influential at first but failed to get elected in parliament only in some municipalities. Only the Constitutional Assembly from 1920  to 1922 had one elect Zh Thorn. The party contributed to the creation of the Palestine Bureau that was a center of communications between Zionists in Latvia and the settlers in Palestine. Also it organized the emigration from Latvia to Palestine. Party made many youth organizations Chatio (Hope), Bney Zion (the sons of Zion), and Herzlia. The youth organizations worked in cultural, sports and social fields.

An alternative Zionist movement was the religious Zionism movement Mizrachi. Judaism was the main force uniting Jews around the world. However, Judaism was not primary nationalistic and rejected political solution to the Jewish problems. As mentioned before the two Rabbis from Latvia Mordechai Eliasberg and Abraham Isaac Kook were the ones who promoted the middle way between secular and religious solution. The idea of combining both truths for the common good of the Jewish people created the religious Zionism that accepted secular state as part of the messianic way. The religious values can be kept in the Jewish state, thus for the religious Jew moving back to their ethnic homeland is a obligation and the Zionism is the will of G-d. Not all orthodox   Jews agreed on that, however the Mizrachi party in Latvia was quite influential.

Nuroks

Mordechai Nurock (left) speaks to the president of Latvia Alberts Kviesis (right)

 Mizrachi (the Religious Center) party was run by rabbi Mordechai Nurock was born in Tukums on November 7 1879. He served as rabbi in Jelgava, on 1903 he took part in the Zionist Congress. He moved to Russia during the war and played key role in refugee organizations. He also joined the All-Russian Jewish Committee and established a religious Jewish group known as “Tradition and Freedom”. On 1921 he returned to Latvia and was elected in the parliament. He was consequently elected in next three elections until 1934. Nurock was active man, both in Latvia and abroad. He cooperated with many organizations and contributed to their work. He was well recognized among the Latvian politicians, his main allies however were the Social-Democrats who were mostly in the oppositions. The anti-semitic Latvian press always pointed to Nurock as the main patron of the two short lived leftist coalitions. But, Nurock was just and tolerant towards his opponents and supported democracy. The coup by Kārlis Ulmanis on May 15 1934 came to his disappointment and created opposition. In result his movement was rejected by the regime. On 1940 the Soviets exiled him to Turkmenistan. His wife and two children were killed in the Holocaust, while he was freed on 1947 and moved to Palestine. After the creation of the State of Israel he was elected in the Israeli Knesset on 1952 he was elected as minister of Postal service, he was also a candidate for the President of Israel. He served in the Knesset until his death on 1962 November 8 becoming the most successful Zionist from Latvia who actually took part in creation of Israel.

However, there were people who rejected the both general secular way and the religious way.  They were the left wing Zionists or Socialist Zionists. Already mentioned  the Poalie Zion (The Workers of Zion) and Ceirei Zion were already known before WWI. In socially unequal Latvia the left wing Zionism was apparently popular. Their leader Max Laserson was elected in many elections and stood united with social democrat organization. One of his main ideas was the Jewish Political and Cultural autonomy in Latvia greatly extending the Jewish rights. Also Baltic Germans and Russians pushed for the same making the Latvian legislators fear the creation of “state within state”. His proposals were not entirely rejected but politely “delayed” in parliamentary commissions. His socialism was not radical but more moderate achieving unity and progress in both national and social means. The left wing Zionists opposed the idea employed by the right wing and religious Zionists that Hebrew language used only in Torah and religious rituals should be brought to life.  Instead they insisted on keeping Yiddish the mix of Hebrew and German that was main language for Jews in the Eastern Europe. Not all Jews in Latvia used Yiddish as primary language. In Courland and Riga some preferred German; in Latgale some spoke only Russian. The both parties argued over the teaching of Hebrew in schools and the common ground was not achieved; some schools taught only in Hebrew, some in Yiddish. But, Hebrew was never used in the daily lives of the Latvian Jews.

On 1931 the Ceirei Zion united with their counterpart Zionist-Socialist party and created the United Party of Zionists-Socialists of Latvia”. But, the new force never made it to elections on 1934 after the coup they were banned by the anti-left wing Ulmanis regime. Max Laserson survived the Holocaust and made it to Israel and was elected in Knesset.

Zeev_Jabotinsky

Zeev Jabotinsky

The Zionist movement was not complete without its far right wing. And Latvia played significant part in it. After the Zionist hopes to achieve statehood with the help of the Balfour declaration failed there was common sense of disappointment. The parties mentioned above continued to work on diplomatic solution and start colonization of Palestine. However, the hostility between Arabs and the new settlers resulted in violence. Palestine was not entirely devoid of Jews before the start of Zionist movement. The small Jewish population living there for centuries were generally tolerated by the Muslims who came there on 6th century. However, now the influx of the new settlers raised hostility boosted by the British inability to control situation in their mandate. This made some to come to conclusion that the only way to achieve Zionist goals is using radical force, by using self defense and armed response both to British and Arabs. This was a radical thinking for Jews in those times, as Jews living in other countries had no real militaristic tradition since the fall of Kingdom of Israel. The main leader of these people was Ze’ev Jabotinsky. Born in Odessa 1880 October 18 Jabotinsky started as moderate Zionist. He came to militarism during WWI when he pushed for the Jewish Legion within the British Army to fight the Ottomans. In 1915, together with Joseph Trumpeldor, a one-armed veteran of the Russo-Japanese War, he created the Zion Mule Corps, he saw action in Palestine as Lieutenant within the 38th Royal Fusiliers. After demobilized he started to train Jewish Self Defense corps. After his unit was repressed by the British he became even more radical. In 1920, Jabotinsky was elected to the first Assembly of Representatives in Palestine. The following year he was elected to the executive council of the Zionist Organization. He was also a founder of the newly registered Keren Hayesod and served as its director of propaganda But after having major disagreements with moderate leading Zionists he left the Zionist Organization.

Jabotinsky considered that his political carrier is over. Then he was invited to Latvia and Lithuania to hold lectures. On 1923 he arrived in Riga to speak in  front of student organization Hatiho. As he preached his radical views he was told that he has no rights to preach them if he is not intending to create a political movement. That made Jabotinsky think over his intention the local students of Riga inspired him to start a new political movement called Zionist Revisionism. It was to revise the Zionist policy that failed to achieve its goals on 1917.

The logo of the Jabotisky Betar

The logo of the Jabotisky Betar

As Riga was the cradle of the revisionist movement the first of its organization was established in Latvia. The Latvian Union of Zionists-Revisionists came to being on 1925. The main Jabotinsky organization Betar is claimed to be founded in Riga. Betar soon spread all around the Europe and made its way in US and even Australia. In Palestine the Betar was often viewed by the British as terrorist organization. Some more radical offspring’s as the so called Stern Gang  or Lehi and Irgun were responsible for terrorist acts against the British like the King David Hotel bombing and the murder of the UN negotiator Folk Bernadotte on 1948. But, Jabotinsky movement major achievement was the contribution of making strong Jewish military to defend the new state of Israel. The Israeli Defense Force was created from these Jewish self defense units. Also major political parties like Likud and Kadima are followers of the Zionist-Revisionist movement. Without the Zionist-Revisionists the creation of Israel would not be possible and the fact that Riga was the starting point of this movement puts Riga as important place in the history of Israel.

The other wing of Zionist Revisonism active also in Latvia was Joseph Trupeldor movement. Joseph Trupeldor was a charismatic war hero that became famous in the Battle of Tel Hai on March 1 1920 where died in battle. Already famous war leader he was recognized as the national hero. To his honor a youth organization “Brit Josef Trumpeldor” (The Union of Josef Trupeldor) was created and was active in Latvia. The organization employed a militaristic lifestyle, marched in uniforms and often were called the “Jewish Fascists” because of their brownish uniforms. The brown color was to resemble the Palestinian desert and brown British uniform Trumpeldor wore. The organization made major contribution to youth sport and education.

There were two major opponents of Zionists among Jews in Latvia. The Bund that was the oldest socialist party in Russian Empire was still true to their pre-1918 views and rejected nationalism. They also opposed the teaching of Hebrew. Other major opponent was Agudat Isroel lead by Rabbi Mordechai Dubin. Influential politician and businessman was a Orthodox Jew who opposed moving to Palestine and create a new state before the arrival of the Messiah. Instead he pushed for staying in Latvia and maintain the religious traditions. He supported the teaching of Hebrew but only for religious means. Dubin who once even visited the US president Herbert Hover, had great influence on the Latvian politicians even Kārlis Ulmanis. Dubin however broke his principals when he made major effort to save thousands of Jewish refugees from Nazi Germany stranded in Latvia. One part of them was sent by him to Palestine because for Dubin the main prinicipal was to save help his common people regardless of his views.

Kārlis Ulmanis banned all the Zionist parties after his takeover. But, he banned every party regardless their nationality even his own Lavian Farmers Union. But, Ulmanis was not against Zionism in general as he saw nothing wrong of Jews moving away from Latvia and leaving more space for Latvians. Zionists except left wingers worked and non-political movements. The marching Trumpeldor’s were tolerated by Ulmanis. Then came the 1940 when the Soviet occupation closed all the Jewish societies and took over their property. Many of the Zionist leaders were arrested, sent to Siberia or shot. A year later Nazis destroyed the entire Jewish population in Latvia.

But the story of the Zionist movement in Latvia does not end with that. While the surviving Zionists worked in Israel, the Zionist movement, the Jewish national movement in Latvia appeared again in 1960ies as response to the anti-semitic Soviet policy. But that is another story to be told in future.

Selected Sources:

Волкович, Б. (2012) Сионистское движение в Латвии (1918-1940) 2-е изд., доп. Daugavpils

Sinkēviča, Eva (2014) Reliģiskā cionisma kustība Latvijā: vēsture,organizācija, ietekme. Promocijas darbs. Latvijas Universitātes Teoloģijas fakultāte.

Walter, Laquer (2003) A History of Zionism. From the French Revolution to establishment of the Sate of  Israel. Shocken Books. New York.


Tagged: 1905 revolution, Betar, Holocaust, Israel, Jewish history, Jews, Latvian history, Zeev Jabotinsky, Zionism

Jews in Soviet Latvia. Assimilation, resistance and revival.

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Jews in the Riga train station on the way to Israel

Jews in the Riga train station on the way to Israel

On May 14 1948, the State of Israel declared its independence. It was the realization of hopes and dreams of many of the Holocaust survivors. Large masses moved to the new country, others watched it from their homes at the Diaspora.  In Soviet Union it was pretty much different. Despite initially supporting the Israeli independence, Soviet Union maintained hostile policy towards Israel for next five decades. Despite Soviet Union having one of the largest numbers of Holocaust victims and survivors, its policy was anti-Semitic and unfriendly towards the Jews in Soviet Union. The Soviet Anti-Semitism was not genocidal as the Nazi was. It was more oriented towards full assimilation, oppressive atheism and anti-Zionism. Soviet ideology was generally against practicing Judaism and embracing the Jewish national identity. In such climate the Jews around the Soviet Union had to choose between assimilation into Russian speaking “Soviet nation” devoid of religion and national values or resist. The resistance was not always active and open. The resistance was trying to preserve and maintain their religious values, commemorate the victims of the Holocaust and protesting to gain rights to immigrate to Israel. The post-war Latvia was one of the active parts of this resistance. The survivors and the newcomers all had to through the same choices that others had in the Soviet Union. At the end on late eighties the Latvian Jewish community was again on path to revival and restoration of the independent Jewish community.

 The Holocaust in Latvia killed about 75 thousand Latvian Jews. Only 15 thousand people managed to escape Latvia to the depths of the Soviet Union. A large number of Latvian Jews were deported by the Soviets on June 14 1941 mass deportations. Those who survived the camps later returned to Latvia. Not all returned, but those who did, found their pre-war life’s completely destroyed. There were no synagogues, no Jewish organizations; most of the old Jewish community was destroyed. On 1959 in Soviet Latvia there were 36 600 Jewish nationals 1,75% of the population, 80% of them living in Riga. Only 100 000 of them were born in pre war Latvia as large numbers of soviet Jews moved to live and work in soviet Latvia. Just 48% of them had Yiddish as their native tongue, 50% of them spoke Russian. In next decades the newcomers from Russia and other places overcome the native Latvian Jews. However in many cases they were united in their struggles against the Soviet assimilation policies.

The Jewish struggle against assimilation can be divided in two major parts. First: the preservation of religion, maintaining the religious values in defiance of the official atheist policy. Judaism is the most important aspect of the Jewish identity so it was crucial to keep and maintain it. Officially the Soviet constitution allowed religious practice that is separated from the state and schools. However, the Soviet authorities always tried to interfere in the affairs of the countries many churches and cults. The main authority concerning religious groups was the Council for the Affairs of the Religious Cults. At first the CARC was unable to control the Jewish congregations because of their small size and lack of unified spiritual center. Also because of transport problems, the religious live in rural towns was left beyond observation. The CARC representative Voldemārs Šeškens had very scarce knowledge about the Jewish religion and how to control it. He did not even know if the Soviet Union has any chief rabbi.

Despite that he began registering the Jewish congregations across Latvia. To register a congregation at least 20 people were needed, who then had to found a place for prayer and submit registration papers to local executive committee. It also had to be approved by the KGB.  If all sides approved then: the registry application had to be sent to Moscow where the People’s Commissar Council (later the Council of the Soviet Ministers) approved in the last instance. On 1949 seven congregations with 6 “cult servicemen” were registered across Latvia. Two in Riga, one in Tukums, Ludza, Krāslava, Rēzekne and Daugavpils.  However, there were also unregistered congregations with people unofficially or approved only by local authorities like in Jēkabpils, Liepāja, Ventspils ect. Most of the synagogues in Latvia were destroyed or damaged during the Holocaust, so it was difficult or impossible for the 20 people congregations to restore them. The only fully working synagogue in Latvia was the Pietav street synagogue in Old Riga that was left completely unscarred. Many synagogues were turned into libraries, restaurants and even sport halls like in Tukums.

The state policy became more hostile on 1948 trying to exclude and limit the Jewish religion. Sanctions were made against the young people who attended synagogue; many new regulations prevented Jews from maintaining their traditions. The anti-religious campaign was boosted by official state hostility towards the new State of Israel and the anti-cosmopolite campaign. Many of the religious activists were arrested and accused for the national treason. On 1953 the anti-Jewish campaign reached climax when the so-called “Doctors Trial” in Moscow boosted great fear of massive repressions towards the Jews. When the Riga Jews asked the Pietav Synagogue chief why there was no matzo bought this year, he replied “How can I ask for matzo if the head of the state himself (Stalin) writes anti-Semitic sounding article in the newspaper? One of the dearest rumors was that Stalin is preparing a mass Jewish deportation to Siberia. So far, no compelling documentary evidence have been found, but as Russian archives remain closed for the most part, it’s possible that such deportation was planned. After Stalin’s death the repressions against the Jews were ceased.

State policy became more liberal towards religion excluding the arrests and repressions. However, the anti-religious propaganda was omnipresent and often ignited hate and misunderstanding from the locals. On sixties as the Jewish national movement became strong worldwide the restriction and suspicion against the Jewish congregations became more severe. The new CARC rules removed the juridical status of the congregations and became fully controlled by CARC representatives. Taxing was increased to maximum; the local authorities could close down the congregation without higher approval as in Tukums in 1961 when the congregation was closed down.

Maintaining religion to preserve national identity proved not was the only working answer to assimilation. Not only because of the state restriction, but also because religion was not favored by all the Jews as their mean of the self identity. On 20th century two new self identity factors appeared among Jews: Holocaust commemoration and the State of Israel. Both of these factors became a challenge as the Soviets viewed them with even more hostility.

Both in Europe and Soviet Union the Holocaust commemoration begun in full-scale in the beginning of the sixties, when the Eichmann trial and Israeli victories made to talk openly about the Jewish Genocide and ask retribution. In Soviet Union the Jewish genocide was overly not mentioned in state media and history books. Only right after the war until 1948 the state newspapers mentioned the Jewish victims killed by the Nazis. Some novels like the Vētra (The Storm) written by Vilis Lācis famous writer and soviet statesmen described the Jewish killings in Latvia. The KGB made Extraordinary Investigation Commission and punished most of culprits who took part in the killings. However, later the Jews killed in Soviet Union were just part of “soviet citizens killed by the fascists”. It was done to avoid mentioning one nation not to boost the much feared Jewish nationalism.

The Star of David made from barbed wire at Rumbula mass murder site removed by the soviets

The Star of David made from barbed wire at Rumbula mass murder site removed by the soviets

The Soviet approved Rumbula memorial sign with hammer and sickle

The Soviet approved Rumbula memorial sign with hammer and sickle

In answer to that on sixties the first commemorative events started to take place in Rumbula, the mass killing site where 25,000 Jews were killed on November 30 , and December 8 1941. On 1961 first Jewish youth’s came to the site and started to mark the killing sites. The soviets were quick to issue warnings not to gather there. On 1962 first commemorative wooden plate was placed there. On 1963 at least every week people gathered to build memorial site. Artist J Kuzkovskis placed a large poster of Jew with squeezed fist rising from the grave in protest to what’s have bee done to him and his family. It was placed roadside alarming the soviets who removed the poster. After much friction between the state and the activists on 1964 a memorial stone was placed, with hammer and sickle and writing in three languages “For the victims of fascism 1941-1944”. Similar sites were made elsewhere, but not mentioning word “Jew”. Also if one dared to place the Star of David on the monument, he would be punished and the star removed. Soviets considered gatherings and seminars at the killing sites as the Zionist anti-soviet activity. Most of them were illegal, but were not dispersed, because sometimes more than 200 people came to them especially at Rumbula.

Soviet Union was hostile towards Zionism as it was Jewish Nationalism, and communism is primary against any kind of nationalism. However, on 1948 Stalin hoped that Israel would be ruled by leftist forces that would join the Soviet Block. Instead as in result of Arab-Israeli war the main force in the Israeli politics turned out to be right-wing Zionists; many of them having roots in Russia, Ukraine and Latvia. Soviet Union invested great sums to arm and train the Israeli enemy states Egypt, Jordan and Syria. During the times of Khrushchev, Soviet Union was the champion of the anti-Zionist ideology. It became even more active after the Six Days War on 1967 and Yom Kipur war on 1973 when Israeli military disgraced the Soviet Union by defeating the Arab states armed to teeth with the best Soviet weapons. The Israeli advances became known for many across the Soviet Union and movement begun to immigrate to Israel. However, the Soviets were against this and the resistance movement started across the union to gain rights to leave.

Anti-Israeli cartoon in the Soviet Latvian satiric journal Dadzis. The Gamblers of Tel Aviv by Normunds Zvirbulis

Anti-Israeli cartoon in the Soviet Latvian satiric journal Dadzis. The Gamblers of Tel Aviv by Normunds Zvirbulis

Jews in Latvia were active in this movement writing petitions to the Soviet government and international organizations. During the seventies more than 40% such letters came from Riga. The petitioners were called “otkazniks” (in Russian refused). 24 Riga “otkaznik’s” wrote open letter to UN. Grigorijs Mincs member of the prominent pre war family even approached the British MP Piter Archer and the UK embassy to grant him rights to leave. Protests and sit-ins were made by the “otkazniks” at the soviet authorities like on 1970 in Riga at the Latvian Soviet Supreme Council. On 1971 March 56 Jews from Riga arrived at Soviet Supreme Council at Moscow and gave a signed petition to allow them to leave and also free arrested activists. Along with them, people from Lviv, Vilnius, Kaunas and other cities. After being rejected, new letter signed by 165 people was addressed starting hunger strike that lasted for 26 hours that in first time in USSR history took place in state rooms. When they were threatened by militsyia (soviet police) they left the building only to return to Ministry of Interior next day. The marching Jews confused the people on the streets of Moscow and brought western media attention. The action took place in the same time as the 24th congress of the Communist party. Embarrassed soviets finally gave in and granted all previously rejected appeals to immigrate to Israel.  Hunger strikes became frequent among many Latvian Jews who in such way protested to the denial of emigration or the arrest of their relatives.

One of the most radical methods to leave the Union was a plane hijack attempt by the Jews from Riga on 1970. A group of 16 people planned to hijack AN-26 passenger plane in Leningrad but, were arrested before doing so. Their trial caused protests both in Union and the west. Later four Jews were arrested in Riga for supporting the hijackers. One of the evidence for their guilt was illegal Jewish newspaper “Iton”. The Jewish illegal publishing was called “Samizdat” (Self Publishing). “Samizdat” was journals and books about the Jewish history and culture and religion. Soviets targeted this as anti-Soviet propaganda and often arrested the publisher. Getting in goods from Israel and making things with Jewish symbols also alarmed the soviets. Jews also organized private educative lectures, theatrical plays called “Purimshpīl” displaying stories from the Jewish cultural life. The Judaica lectures gathered people from all over the Union and abroad. Eventually rather large numbers of Jews managed to move to Israel. Not all stayed there however, and used legal rights to travel further to US or Western Europe to settle there.

Not all Jews choose to resist assimilation.  For many it was easier to adopt Russian name to hide their Jewish identity and live the lives of the ordinary soviet citizen. Some of them became too assimilated and became Russian nationalists after the fall of the Union. Some only after the fall of the Union re-discovered their Jewish identity. In early 90ies Israel became overflowed with Jewish immigrants from all over the Soviet Union. About 1.6 million Jews from Ukraine, Belarus, Russia and the Baltic States settled in Israel making rapid changes in the society.  Even the Arab tradesmen in the Old city of Jerusalem started to learn Russian.

Meanwhile those who stayed in Latvia at the late 80ies were on path on making legal Jewish organization as the state reforms finally allowed to create national minority organizations. The Jewish community was divided in two fractions. The “culture” fraction did not insist on leaving, but on maintaining the Jewish culture at home. The “political” fraction meanwhile maintained that in current circumstances the national revival is only possible in Israel. On 1988 the Latvian Jewish Cultural Society was founded in Skolas Street 6th the former Jewish theater later turned in to Communist party congress building. When the new Congress building was made, the Jews regained the old Jewish theater. The main stage was full of people witnessing the grand event the revival of the Latvian Jewish community.

Skolas Street 6th became the center of the modern day Jewish community in Latvia. On 1996 the unified Council of the Latvian Jewish communities and congregations becoming the main representative of the Jews in Latvia. The rather small minority of six thousand people are one of the most active national minorities in Latvia. On 1992 Latvia established diplomatic relations with Israel. The contacts between Latvian and Israeli Jews are dense and helping the local Jewish community. The Holocaust has finally received its place in Latvian history. It has been studied in depth. New monuments have been built across Latvia to commemorate the events. The Jewish nation has survived many attempts of assimilation and extermination. Their successful struggle against soviet assimilation is another proof of how the strong is the Jewish nation.

Selected Sources:

Barkane, Karīna. Valsts varas attieksme pret ebreju reliģiskajām draudzēm Latvijas PSR (1944-1964). Žurnāls Latvijas Vēsture. Jaunie un Jaunākie laiki. 2013. 3 (91)

Aļeksejeva, Olga. Ebreju pretošanās formas PSRS pastāvošajam režīmam (Latvijas PSR ebreju nacionālās kustības kontekstā) Žurnāls Latvijas Vēsture. Jaunie un Jaunākie Laiki. 2014. 1/2 (92/93)

Алексеева, Ольга. Радикальные формы сопротивления советскому режиму в среде евреев Латвии в начале 1970-х гг.: призма Ленинградского и Рижского процессов. Евреи в меняюшемшя мире VII. Рига 2015.  Латвийский университет


Tagged: Anti-Soviet Resistance, Anti-zionism, Israel, Jews, Jews in Latvia, Jews in Soviet Union, Latvia, Latvian history, Zionism

Roma Genocide in Latvia 1941-1944

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Èigânu masu apbedîjumi Valguma meþâ. Anatolijs Berezovskis un Lûcija Ignis

The mass killing site at Valguma lake near Tukums 

One of the less discussed events of the Latvian history is Roma Genocide that took place in Latvia during Nazi occupation. Called Porajmos in Romani language the Roma genocide was part of the Holocaust directed against Jews, mentally ill, homosexuals and Roma’s who lived in significant populations across the Eastern Europe. The death toll of Nazi killed Roma’s  estimated  220,000 to 1,500,000 people. Genocide against Roma took place also in Latvia, where they been living for centuries.

The Roma people have been originated from ancient India and appeared in Europe in Middle Ages as early of 12th century. By practicing nomadic lifestyle they appeared all over Europe including Britain on 16th century. The largest concentrations of them were in Eastern Europe, Poland-Lithuania, Moravia and Wallachia. Roma’s managed to keep their eastern traditions and independent lifestyle often defying the laws of the ruling society. Some Roma communities started continuous settlements. Their differences in looks and culture often sparked hatred and prejudices.

The Nazi movement combined all the prejudices in united policy of hate and persecution. However, Nazis had difficulties labeling all Roma’s as subhuman (Untermenchen) because of their “Aryan origin” that Nazis considered the prime race. Also it was inconvenient that most consequent nomadic Roma’s were those of “most purest Aryan”. To “solve” the problem the racial specialist Dr. Robert Ritter lead research team to determine the racial status of Roma people. By examining 2000 people they came to conclusion that 90% of Roma are mixed with other Europeans and therefore sent to “mischlinge” (crossbreeds) category. They were labeled as anti-social and dangerous to the Nazi regime.  This conclusion now made 90% of Roma’s in danger of persecution. The 1935 Nuremberg racial laws were also applicable to  Roma’s. First group of German Roma’s were sent to Dachau camp  on 1936. The Dr. Ritter’s “research group” considered Roma’s to be sterilized and excluded from the society; that also applied to the “racial pure” Roma. On 1937 all Roma were ordered to move to special containment camps (Zwangswohnlager) and on 1938-1939 even more Roma’s were “preventively arrested” and sent to concentration camps. The start of the World War II opened the extermination phase as Roma’s were deported to the occupied Poland where their extermination begun. On December 16 1942 Heinrich Himmler ordered to send all Roma’s and mixed ones to Auschwitz death camp. Before that on 1941 when Nazi Germany invaded Soviet Union the extermination of the local Roma have already begun.

It’s not known when Roma’s settled in Latvian territory. Possibly after 1561 when former Livonian Confederation became part of Poland-Lithuania. The Romani language in Latvia has four dialects, in Courland (Kurzeme) and Semigallia (Zemgale) most common is so called “Latvian romani” (lotfitka roma), in Latgale the “Northern Russian romani” (xaladitka roma) and Belarusian and Polish language affected Romani.T he last Latvian  national census in 1935 counted 3839 Romas. 234 lived in Riga. Large concentrations of them were in Jelgava, Daugavpils, Talsi, Ventspils, Rēzekne, Valmiera, and Tukums. Large numbers of them lived in regular homes. While encountering usual prejudice; labeling as “horse thieves”, “vagrants” and “tax and army service evaders” no serous acts of violence against Roma were ever recorded in Latvia. Latvians called Roma Čigāni (the gypsies) and this therm was used in press and official documents.

Its possible the Roma population in Latvia was larger then according to the 1935 census data. On June 1941 there could have been about 12 000 Roma people living in Latvia.  The first killings were made by the German Einsatzgruppen and assisting Latvian collaborator units. One of the first killing sites were Baltinava township in Eastern Latvia were 10 Roma families – 43 people were murdered in August 1941.  The Roma genocide really started on December 1941 when Nazis had finished the genocide of the Latvian Jews.  90 people were killed in Kalvene parish near town of Aizpute in Western Latvia. In Liepāja the full list of murdered Roma’s were found, only one such in Latvia. 100 Roma’s are mentioned in Nazi report to be shot in the Ciecere parish. The 1935 data had 176 Roma’s living in Liepāja. Tukums a city located between Kurzeme (Courland) and Zemgale region had large population of Roma. Inconclusive reports from interrogated Nazi suspects states that about 200-300 Roma’s were killed. Tukums had 233 Roma’s on 1935. The town of Bauska near Lithuania border had fairly large Roma population. It’s known that 250 people of all ages were killed in Jaunsaule parish. The people from nearby township of Skaistkalne were also murdered there. Fourth largest city Jelgava had 401 Roma’s 200 of them were destroyed although the data is inconclusive. 200 Roma’s were possibly killed in Ludza district in Latgale region. The heart town of Latgale Rēzekne had 130 Roma’s arrested on January 5 1942 and possibly concentrated in former synagogue or empty shop space nearby and then murdered at Garbari forest near Zvirgzdene township. During the Audriņi massacre on January 2,4 1942 when Germans murdered 215 local villagers for hiding the soviet partisans, several Roma’s were killed who lived nearby. 50 Roma’s were shot near the Valmiera concentration camp. There is very fewer details about the Roma genocide in Riga. It’s possible that Romas were shot in Jugla, Strazumuiža, Biķernieki Forest, Strazdumuiža railway station and other parts of Riga. Similarly fewer details are about the fate of Roma’s in Daugavpils where is known that 5 Romas were shot in the Daugavpils prison. Similar obscure details are about Ventspils.

Kārlis Krūminš the savior of the 200 Roma at Talsi district

Kārlis Krūminš the savior of the 200 Roma at Talsi district

The Nazi policy towards Roma people changed on 1943 when the guidelines now separated Romas in nomadic and non-nomadic Romas. The regular living ones were considered as rural citizens, while nomads were equaled with Jews. That halted the active killing and saved lives of many. However, in some parts of Latvia the killings were avoided because of the involvement of the local populace. The chief of the Talsi district Kārlis Krūmiņš resisted the German order to exterminate all Roma’s for they are required for workforce and bear no danger to the district. Some days after this decision Lutheran Archbishop Teodors Grīnbers gathered all Roma’s to a mass and told they must be thankful to Krūmiņš for rescuing their lives. He pledged them to work hard for the German army. About 200 Roma’s in Talsi district were kept alive this way. Krūmiņš was later arrested by the Soviets where he gave testimonies of how he saved the Roma from the murder. Nevertheless, he was sent to Gulag as traitor. Another Roma savior was Mārtiņš Bērziņš the head of the Sabile city in Kurzeme. According to some reports the Roma’s were gathered at the killing site when Bērziņš in the nick of time rushed with a bicycle and stood in front of the shooters and declared: “If you shoot them; then shoot me too!” Local shooters were unable to do so and about 300 Roma’s were spared. Bērziņš was saved from the 1949 deportations by his Roma supporters and died in Dundaga on 1968. Bērziņš also warned local Jews of coming execution. Later a memorial plate in Sabile was unveiled to commemorate his heroic act. Both Krūmiņš and Bērziņš can be compared to Žanis Lipke the most famous Jewish savior from Latvia.

The facts about the Roma genocide in Latvia is found in the Soviet Emergency Investigation Commission documents. The commission persecuted all the captured Nazi collaborators and disclosed their crimes towards Jewish and Roma people. So far the most detailed research have been made by Aigars Urtāns about Bauska district while general research is still lacking. Jewish historian Marģers Vestermanis first opened the subject on 1993 with his publication about the Roma genocide in Latvia. On 2015 the senior chief Commissar of the International Roma Alliance made publication based on archive documents. More detailed publications are expected in the future. So far there have been no memorial plates and monuments dedicated to the victims of the Roma genocide in Latvia. Despite active calls from Roma community the process of research and remembrance have been very slow by comparing to the amount of work contributed to Jewish holocaust. Its one of the sad parts of the Latvian history that must be researched further and included in our memory of the past.

Selected Sources:

Rudēvičs, Normunds. (2015) Romu Holokausts Latvijā. Konferenču un semināru materiāli 2009-2014. Shamir. Rīga, 2015

Vestermanis, Marģers. Čigānu genocīds vācu okupētajā Latvijā (1941.-1945). Latvijas Vēsture 1993/4 (11)

Urtāns, Aigars (2003), “Bauskas pilsētas un apriņķa čigānu iznīcināšana 1942. gada vasarā”, in: Dzintars Ērglis (ed.), Holokausta izpētes jautājumi Latvijā: Staptautiskā semināra referāti 2001. gada 29. novembris, Rīgā, un 2001.–2002. gada pētījumi par holokaustu Latvijā / The Issues of the Holocaust Research in Latvia: Reports of an International Seminar 29 November 2001, Riga and the Holocaust Studies in Latvia in 2001–2002.

http://www.la.lv/romu-glabejs-talsos%E2%80%A9-krumins/

http://www.ntz.lv/dazadi/mums-nevajag-atvainosanos-tikai-3-faktu-atzisanu/


Tagged: Genocide, gypsies, Holocaust, Roma, Roma genocide, Romani

International Shortwave Radio Broadcasting in Latvian Language

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During the Cold War shortwave radio broadcasting was essential tool of propaganda used by both sides. United States spent large sums of money to host two major shortwave services – the Voice of America (VOA) and Radio Free Europe (RFE). The goal of these stations was to broadcast the American point of view to the people of the Eastern bloc trapped behind the Iron Curtain.  The stations had many language services that broadcasted to the targeted nations in their own native language. The workers of these stations were exiles, who wished to fight for freedom on the airwaves.  VOA and RFE broadcasted in Russian, Polish, Hungarian, Czech and many other languages. Eventually both stations started the Latvian service to reach out to the people of the occupied country. Broadcasts in Latvian were hosted also by Radio Vatican, National Radio of Spain and Radio Free Russia. All these broadcasts made great impact on anti-soviet movement and played important role in process of restoration of independence. Today the shortwave radio is almost forgotten so it’s worth to remember once again. Also, within the context of present day war of information between West and Russia this serves as reminder. Article describes the history of these Latvian western radio stations in detail.

USA VOA sticker

Voice of America (Amerikas Balss)

Voice of America was the first US shortwave radio station funded and controlled by the state. It was established on 1942 dictated by the need for state propaganda during the World War II. The Office of War Information hosted the station and it was mainly for Germany and Japan.  On 1945 it was transferred to the Department of the State. The political situation rapidly changed into confrontation between two former allies US and USSR so on 1947 the VOA started broadcasting in Russian. It was done to counter the soviet propaganda and spread the US view of democracy to the soviet people. Eventually VOA sought the need for broadcasts for the people in the occupied Baltic States. US never recognized the occupation of Latvia, the Latvian embassy in Washington worked in exile and US hosted large number of Latvian refugees. So work begun on organizing the VOA Latvian service.

The preparations were made on autumn of 1950. The Latvian ambassador in exile Jūlijs Feldmanis came to Latvian exile newspaper Laiks (Times) in Brooklyn New York to gather staff for the new service. The volunteers had to fill Security Clearance inquires of the State Department and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). The questions mainly focused on person’s biography, workplace, organizations and relatives to test the applicant’s political loyalty to US. Also the inquiry needed three witnesses to confirm the fairness of the given information.

The first who applied were Orests Berlings, Ēvalds Freivalds, Irēne Karule, Arvīds Klāvsons and Aleksandrs Liepa and the well-known actor and stage director Osvalds Uršrteins.  Berlings had experience working in pre-war Latvian newspaper Brīvā Zeme (The Free Land) and the newspaper of the displaced people in Germany Die Post un Im Ausland (Post in Foreign Land) Freivalds also worked in Brīvā Zeme, later in the Latvian State Radio, in exile was editor of the Austrijas Latviešu Balss (Voice of Latvians in Austria).  Karule as student worked in Latvian State Radio for a short time in 1940. Klāvsons was chief editor of the pre war newspaper Rīts (Morning) He took part in the anti-Nazi resistance group during the Nazi occupation.  In Germany he edited the Latvijas Ziņas (Latvian News) in the Latvian refugee camp in Esslingen. Liepa also worked in Rīts and in Germany was one of the founders of the Latvian Press Workers cooperation assembly and edited the newspaper Latvija (Latvia).

Shortly after New Year’s Eve on 1951 the volunteers were invited to interviews to the VOA office in New York. The interviewer was Robert Bauer chief of European section. All except Klāvsons were admitted to the service. The heads of the Latvian Service was Benno Ābers who edited the Latvian Encyclopedia before the war,  Vilis Masēns from the Latvian diplomatic staff and director of the service Harijs Lielnors the only one with US passport, resident since 1923.

Lithuanians were first to broadcast on February 16 1951 the Lithuanian Independence day. Latvians and Estonians first broadcast on June 3 1951. The radio programs were produced by Osvalds Uršteins whose professionalism soon lead him to produce programs for other language services. Meanwhile FBI excluded Aleksandrs Liepa for “bad political background”, while Vilis Masēns left the service to work for the Committee for a Free Europe, Inc. The service hired more workers including Alfrēds Bērziņš the Minister of Social Affairs during Kārlis Ulmanis dictatorship and was active in the Latvian exile and author of many books.

First broadcast started with words of former actor Milda Zīlava with words in English: “This is the Voice of America. The following broadcast is in Latvian”, and then the same in Latvian. After statement that the broadcast will take place every day, the announcer Masēns introduced Latvian ambassador in exile Jūlijs Feldmanis and one now forgotten member of the US congress. Masēns then read the statement of the US State Secretary Edward W. Barrett that US never accepted and recognized the occupation of Latvia. After 15 minute broadcast Masēns, named the times and frequencies and in the ending statement read the VOA standard phrase “We broadcast truthful news, no matter good or bad, but always true!”, and with that Zīlava said farewell words “To hear us again, dear listeners!”.

First broadcast was met with excitement by the staff by the fact that it was received in Latvia. Many exiles were inspired by the War in Korea hoping that it will lead to ultimate collapse of communism and liberation. On November 18, Latvian Independence day, special broadcast by Irēne Karule touched the issues of the Latvian history. The history or wars, resistance, independence and occupation and hope for brighter future were written in poetry. The peculiar programming style different from VOA standard was impressing and Irēne Karule was rewarded. Later however, the VOA standards were applied to Latvians too.

Osvalds Uršteins (producer) and Irēne Karule (both behind) interviews a refugee from Soviet Union Žanis Nice on 1953

Osvalds Uršteins (producer) and Irēne Karule (both behind) interviews a refugee from Soviet Union Žanis Nice on 1953

Latvian VOA service survived many presidential administrations from Harry S Truman to George W Bush. It had to confirm with the changing foreign policy of every president, to not made aversions and create unfilled hopes within listeners. Bravura and empty promises done more harm than good so were forbidden. The staff was forbidden to express their personal views that in many cases were difficult task because Latvian exiles mostly opposed the US attempts of appeasing the Soviet Union.  The broadcasts were supervised, nongovernmental views were only allowed in the press reviews. The core of every program was official news from Washington, accustomed to Europe and Latvia. The station broadcasted news about worker uprising in East Berlin on 1953, the Hungarian uprising on 1956 when VOA added eight special daily broadcasts. VOA also reported on the Cuban missile crisis, actions of the Latvian exiles and Latvian anti-soviet resistance movement. Briefly from 1956 to 1958  reacting to the events in Hungary VOA set up a station in Europe in Munich and Latvian service moved there involving local exiles. However, two years later VOA cut funds to Europe station and Latvians moved back to US. Onwards from 1987 the VOA Latvian service covered all the news of the restoration movement. On 1987 when first mass protests took place in Latvia, VOA and Radio Free Europe was one of the first to announce the dates and places of the protests. It helped to gather large masses to the events and boosted the campaign for full independence from USSR.

The VOA Latvian service was in brief trouble after the election of Richard Nixon. VOA intended to shorten the broadcast times for Baltic service stations. The reason stated was the soviet jamming stations that required new frequencies and longer broadcast times for Russian service. The real reason was Nixon detente policy to ease relations with Soviet Union that also meant easing the stance on Baltic States occupation. The act was met with many protests from the Baltic exiles who complained to the Unites States Information Agency (USIA) After Nixon resignation, the new president Jimmy Carter renamed to International Communications Agency. His doctrine for defending the civil rights and weak position to USSR was not enjoyed by Baltic exiles either. More favorable was Ronald Reagan with his “crusade against communism” that was enjoyed by the Latvian VOA staff.

The reaction from Latvian audience in homeland was mixed. At first it was met with excitement; however after 1949 mass deportations many Latvians found VOA promises of coming liberation empty and unsettling. The reaction from soviet authorities was the establishment of the powerful jamming stations. Despite that the VOA broadcasts were still heard. The Latvian radio factories VEF and Radiotehnika produced the radios in masses. The authorities tried to limit the frequency range for domestic models. KGB persecuted people caught listening to VOA. Despite all of this the facts shows that VOA affected the Latvian listeners. On first year of broadcast Irēne Karule interviewed student in exile who received state grant.  The broadcast was heard by her father who was just released from soviet prison camp and found out his daughter is alive and well in America. He sent the letter from Denmark to VOA editorial in New York. The post address was written in Latvian; surprisingly the Danish post office managed to translate the address and sent it to New York. The daughter who was unaware of his father’s fate was also exited. Five Latvian fishermen who demanded political asylum in Newfoundland claimed they heard VOA in their ocean trawler and back home in Latvia. The editorial received letters from Latvia, praising and criticizing the broadcasts. Broadcasts were also listened by the Latvian exiles in Europe.

After the restoration of independence, VOA Latvia service worked until 2004 when it was closed by the decision of Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG). The service was no longer sustainable due to the financial situation and changes in the US foreign policy. The Latvian exiles were getting old and the number of listeners in Latvia significantly dropped. VOA used FM frequencies hosted by Latvian State Radio and other radios. Shortwave radios became use less and less. The service was closed with its staff expressing hope that after 30 years of work the VOA Latvian service had reached its goal. Latvia was independent and member of NATO with open connections to the western world.

VOA Latvian service interval signal (2002)

RFE Sticker

Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty (Radio Brīvā Eiropa) (Radio Brīvība)

The communist takeover of Eastern Europe and soviet anti-western propaganda sought US counter action. The National Security Council issued NSC-4-A order to the director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to “initiate and conduct covert psychological operations to counterattack soviet and soviet inspired activities which constitutes a threat to the world peace”. One of these operations was to create “surrogate radio stations” that would broadcast anti-soviet information to the soviet occupied countries, and yet they must not be officially connected to the US government.  Former US ambassador in Moscow George F. Kennan lead the creation of the Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty who made the guidelines for these covert CIA propaganda stations. Frank Wisner later CIA director was in charge of the Office of Special Projects set the practical stage for these stations to work. Radio Liberty or Radio Svoboda was primary for Soviet Union in Russian language that started to work on 1949. Radio Free Europe was made for Eastern European communist controlled countries and begun work on 1950 in Czech language, eventually broadcasting in Polish, Hungarian, Romanian, Bulgarian, ect. RFE was known for its propaganda campaign “Crusade for Freedom”. RFE is often mentioned as one of the prominent stir ups of the Hungarian revolution on 1956 when it actively supported the resistance against the soviet invasion. Perhaps a bit too actively, for the Western support never came and revolution was crushed and soviets blamed RFE for provoking the nation into fight. On 1967 leftist magazine Rampant disclosed the RFE and RL connection with CIA. Scandal erupted the White House.  At one point disappointed Richard Nixon who wanted completely re-organize the CIA thought about closing the stations.  However, on 1973 the decision was taken to turn RFE/RL into new hybrid organization both funded privately and by the United States congress.  The RFE/RL works this way until this day.

Baltic services came to RFE bit later than VOA. The CIA front organization The National Committee for a Free Europe (NCFE) that directed RFE rejected first calls from Lithuanian exiles to include Baltic nations in their program. NCFE indented to use RFE to organize anti-communist exiles in US to serve as surrogates for the lack of democratic institutions in homeland.  American policy makers were thought that such committees might duplicate or worse make the exiled Baltic diplomats representing their republics irrelevant with broader exiled communities globally. NCFE also determined the Baltic service as too costly in comparison to already existing language services. After VOA started its Baltic services, the NCFE saw that as prime excuse not to make their own broadcasts.

The Baltic exiles became more organized and cooperative and eventually gained more support from NCFE. NCFE supported the Baltic Freedom Rally on 1952 in New York that took place again many years ahead. Over the decade more new generation exiles started to take active part in the community and lobbied the NCFE. After 1967 CIA cover up and changes into US foreign policy towards detente, state the policy towards RFE changed. On 1971 the campaigns in US congress started to fully detach RFE and RL from CIA and on 1973 as mentioned above the stations were now funded by US congress. This decision was actually favorable for Baltic exiles because now they could more openly influence the congress and RFE to include them into broadcasts. After joint lobby attempts by the Baltic exile organizations, the proposal for adding Baltic language broadcasts was added to 1974 Fiscal Budget plan. The proposal again sought opposition because of financial expenses. Representative of the exiles Ilgvars J. Spilners head of American Latvian Alliance  (ALA) made testimony to the congress explaining the importance of these broadcasts. Spilners described to the congress of the dangers of Russification in the Baltic States and determined that more broadcasts in native language would help the Baltic nations to survive the assimilation. Spilners also noted that RFE Baltic surrogate stations would also broadcast more news from the Baltic States then allowed by official VOA. Spilners convinced many congress men including Robert H. Steele to push for Baltic service within RL Eventually thanks to his efforts on 1975 all three Baltic language services started broadcasting. In February Lithuanian started first on July Latvian and Estonian followed. Baltic services were included within Radio Liberty because it was intended mainly for nations in Soviet Union.

The chief editor of the Latvian service was Valdemārs Kriecbergs who worked in pre war Latvian Foreign ministry and on 1956-1958 worked in VOA European station in Munich. The broadcasts were 30 minutes long were irregular at the beginning, then from September the broadcasts were daily, discussing political, social and economic issues. The very first members of the staff were Valdemārs Kriecbergs, Vilis Skutāns, poet Margarita Ausale and Dagmāra Vallena. The studio was in RL headquarters in Munich. The transmissions took place from 100 KW transmitter  in Lampenheim, West Germany. The staff workers used aliases due to the omnipresent surveillance from KGB. On 1982 the new chief editor was Vilis Skultāns (alias Pēteris Vijums). Valdemārs Kriecbergs only came to his duty after his employers re-assured that RL Russian editorial would not influence the Latvian service. The 24 hour Russia service tried to affect colleague services. However it was baffled itself in the conflict between old generation WWI/WWII exiles and new generation exiles many of them with Jewish origin.

One of the five most known RL Latvian service staff journalists were Margarita Ausala, philologist and poet, and was active in the academic circles. Egīls Švarcs was well received musician in Soviet Union where he lead the Riga Music Hall orchestra later emigrated to Germany and took up the radio microphone. Born in US from exiled family in West Germany Juris Kaža was one of the youngest members of the service. He was working there for three years, and then started long carrier in many foreign media including Associated Press, Radio Sweden. Kaža now works and lives in Latvia, an active journalist and blogger. Doctor in philology Dzintra Bungs made many studies and reports about the issues in the Baltic States that were used by many RL/RFE services for their broadcast programs. Rolfs Ekmanis started working on 1975 as Māris Rauda, commented on social and national issues within the Soviet Union. On 1986 he became the senior editor; on 1990 he became the chief of the RFE Latvian service. On 1993 he left the radio to work in Arizona State University.

Rolfs Ekmanis in his Latvian editorial office in Munich

Rolfs Ekmanis in his Latvian editorial office in Munich

The program started with brief musical interval signal, the program announcement, daily news, on Sundays- weekly review of events. The news are followed by detailed commentary about world events, including those in occupied Baltic countries, materials from the Baltic press in exile, interviews and brief excepts from books and printed works. Latvians were first in RL to extend program time from 30 minutes to 60 minutes. Despite soviet jammers the station was receivable and listener reports and letters concluded that station receives significant attention. Most Latvians liked to listen to Latvian language stations and found RL best alternative to soviet stations. It was reported that families and friends gathered to listen to scheduled RL broadcasts with no objections. Sometimes in Latvian journals the soviets published texts condemning or ridiculing the RL broadcasts showing how disturbed were the authorities by these broadcasts.

Satirical soviet magazine Dadzis on Radio Free Europe

Satirical soviet magazine Dadzis on Radio Free Europe

On 1984 the Latvian service was moved to Radio Free Europe. RFE involved broad spectrum of Latvian exiles all across the world. On 1986 the new soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev fully stopped the shortwave jamming allowing the RFE and VOA to freely broadcast in the Latvian radio waves. RFE journalists freely entered Latvia, and featured the leading forces for independent Latvia. Same as VOA or even more it aided the restoration movement. After Latvia became independent again,  RFE was featured on Latvian FM frequencies. Some of its staff members moved to Latvia and took part in local social and political activities. Radio Free Europe ceased its Latvian broadcasts for the same reasons as VOA on 2003. Radio Liberty still broadcasts on Russian and Belarusian to counter resurgent anti-democratic regimes in Russia and Belarus.

Radio Free Europe Latvian service interval signal 1999

Radio_Vaticana_logo

Radio Vatican   (Radio Vatikāns)

Historically the Latvian service on Radio Vatican was the oldest broadcasting already on 1948. Radio Vatican (Radio Vaticana in Latin) was founded on 1931 as the voice of the catholic people across the world. First, broadcast took place on October 2 1948 for 15 minutes once a week. From 1966 Programma Lettone started to broadcast four times in a week, from 1975 six times in a week and extended to 20 minutes. First broadcasts were mainly religious, preaching’s, prayers and papal news. Later the program included news about Catholics in Latvia, life of other confessions and lives in exile. The station recommended believers not engage into political resistance or subversion; however the soviet power regarded the Catholic Church as dangerous anti-soviet element.  As first foreign broadcast in Latvian it gathered large audience and interest. The radio called to gather in the churches to pray for free Latvia, for God to open road to free Latvia more quickly. After radio mentioned Kārlis Ulmanis and Stalin as man with no honor the broadcasts were targeted by jammers. The jamming stopped in the sixties making the station better receivable than the other ones.

The Vatican radio host can only be clergy man, his assistant must so too. Other staff members can be laity. At first programs was lead by Jesuit father Pāvils Beičs. For long years chief editor was father Staņislavs Kučinskis who after finishing Catholic Studies in Latvia, in thirties went to Rome, then to Krakow to study theology. After that he worked as priest in various places across Italy. He also proved himself as historian writing researches about Catholic history. On 1968 the editorial was joined by Monsignor Ārvaldis Andrejs Brumanis. Brumanis was conscripted into Latvian Waffen SS Legion, wounded in Pomerania, taken captive in Belgium where he finished the Latvian Catholic Seminary.  He also finished Louvain University Faculty of History and doctor in theology. On 1996 Pope John Paul II consecrated him to the Bishop of Liepāja, in Latvia.

One of the prominent laity staff members were Dr. Marta Rasupe who came to Rome after winning in international Romanic language competition and became doctor in philology in Rome University where she headed the Latvian section for long decades. She worked as reporter for the radio using her great translation and academic skills, made rich programs of culture.

Starting from seventies, the radio talked more about the difficult relations between the Church and the soviet power. Radio also called Latvians to keep their national traditions. The Lithuanian Catholic underground magazine Lietuvos kataliku bažnyčios kronika was featured by the radio exposing the persecution of the Catholic priests and believers across the Soviet Union. The Vatican Latvian service continued broadcasting until 2012 when major service cut by the Radio Vatican was made. It was the oldest and longest Latvian language service.

Radio Vatican Interval signal 1982

RADIO-NACIONAL-VIMPELIS

National Radio of Spain/Voice of Free Latvians Radio (Radio Nacional de Espańa/ Brīvā Latviešu Balss)

National Radio of Spain (NRS) came in to light in 1937 during the Civil War controlled by the Francisco Franco regime. Franco’s Spain was one of the countries in the West who did not recognize the occupation of the Baltic States and hosted their embassies in exile. As anti-communist regime it allowed NRS broadcast in 16 languages of the nations within Soviet Union. The Latvian program was called Brīvā Latviešu Balss – the Voice of Free Latvians (VFL) the people who created the service was Latvian diplomatic envoy in Spain Roberts Kampus and daughter of famous Latvian writer Pāvils Rozītis Dzidra Rozīte.

Roberts Kampus was Independence war veteran, studied in Latvian University and Sorbonne University in thirties worked in embassies in Moscow, Stockholm, Rome and London. From 1953 he was the Latvian envoy in exile in Madrid. The service started broadcasting on 1955 and was directed by Kārlis Videnieks until 1961. Every day program was aired twice in 24 hours made almost by Videnieks alone. He was replaced by Teodors Strautmanis, who worked in the newspaper Rīts (Morning), during Nazi occupation was editor of the foreign section of the newspaper Tēvija (Fatherland). He escaped soviets by crossing the Baltic Sea and arrived in Sweden where edited newspaper Latvju Avīze (Latvian Newspaper). Before taking job in Madrid, he worked at the VOA section in Munich.

From 1964 to 1965 the service was directed by Vilis Skultāns who worked in the Latvian Telegraph Agency before the war. He was the one who first informed Latvian foreign minister Vilhelms Munters about the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact. During Nazi occupation he worked in Tēvija (Fatherland), and then was conscripted in to Waffen SS where he worked in front line newspaper Daugavas Vanagi (Hawks of Daugava). He spent two years in refugee camps. After that, he took part in the exile social activities published in many newspapers.

The work in RNS was difficult do to the primitive technical recourses. The twenty-minute program was made by only two people, sometimes just one. If one of the workers fell sick, he could not be replaced. The RNS did not pay full salary to the two staff workers and the exile organizations were not generous either. With some funding the exiles gave information materials often in novice level. One of the top contributors of information was closed society Apvienība Tēvzemei (Alliance for Fatherland). The less known organization in undated report stated that NRS VFL broadcasted AF materials were sovereign and independent broadcasts for free and democratic Latvia. The AT refuses to support the official views of Washington and condemns the non-political, pro-American agenda of the American Latvian Alliance. AT opposed the Truman Doctrine for it only wowed to prevent the communist expansion outside its borders, but allowed to exist within.

As other stations the RNS VFL was jammed by soviets, except the times when jammers were turned off so the soviet agents could listen to VFL. RNS did not have the funds for broadcasting at many frequencies at once from various places and repeat them. Despite technical issues and jammers the radio was heard in Latvia, and through covert ways the listener letters were received. Some listeners praised the station for its sharp “poisonous” tone when criticizing the soviet power. Others praised for playing the national anthem on the morning of the November 18th. As the radio aired on mornings some described them as the happiest time of the day. Meanwhile soviet newspapers condemned the “fascist pirates” on the radio waves.

Skultāns wrote memorandum on the future of the Latvian broadcast and presented it at the 1st Latvian Culture congress in Chicago and Madrid radio committee to improve the station was formed. The radio station program consisted of every day news, cultural events and reviews.  Once a week a special program was aired to counter claims of the soviet propaganda. Twice a week the radio talked about Russification and some economical issue. Skultāns made strong anti-communist comments more sharper than all other Latvian language services.  Radio also told stories of the brave Latvian Waffen SS legion fighting the soviets and countered the soviet accusations towards them.

On May 31 1965 for unknown reasons the RNS VFL was suddenly taken off air. At first the shutdown was temporally, and then it held for 52 months.  Officially the reason was technical issues, but as it was rumored it was due to change of Spanish foreign policy. After months of unsuccessful talks Skultāns abandoned Madrid and went to Frankfurt. There the Voice of Free Latvians made second coming as part of Radio Free Russia.

On 1969 the RNS unexpectedly restored the Latvian service. Skultāns returned to Madrid. On September 20 1969 narrator Ivonna Muktāne announced on the radio waves: “This is broadcast for our Latvian fatherland and freedom from the main Spanish National radio in Madrid. We broadcast every day from 21:15 to 21:30 on Latvian time on 32,04 meter shortwave with two repeats on 15:45 to 16:00 in the evening on 30,7 meter shortwave. Please tell your trustful friends and relatives, so they can also listen to our programs! Skultāns meanwhile was cautious about longevity of the Latvian program in Spain due to the coming changes in the Spanish government. He warned member Silvestrs Lambergs of ALA that criticized by many the VFL on Radio Free Russia might live longer than VFL on Spanish radio. ALA planned to take over the VFL broadcast and made Lambergs as supervisor. Lambergs had received special education in radio programming and later did half-hour Latvian radio programs in Latvian in Boston.

Skultāns had issue gathering staff members and financial support. Many offered support, but later declined. The religious programming was troubled because preacher Vilis Vārsbergs was always late in submitting program materials and was out of contact. ALA Information Bureau paid its reporters no more than 8$ for every text. Eventually the Madrid editorial came into conflict with ALA because it started to ignore ALA directives and sent program texts. Skultāns originally promised to work in Madrid for three months so ALA tried searching for a new chief editor. The search failed for the candidates the editor of newspaper Latvija (Latvija) Austra Liepiņa was seen as unfit for radio, while flamenco guitarist Andris Kārkliņš who know Spanish very well was seen as too young for such job. So Skultāns was left as chief and even tasked to write three programs in a week.

From 1955 to 1965 VFL featured programs in Latgalian – a distinct form of Latvian language in Latvian eastern part of Latgale. The programs were hosted by Vladislavs Lōcis. When Latgalians tried to apply for new radio show promising no financial need for Latgalian exiles have enough support on their own, the ALA rejected because it would not have any control over this broadcast. Also, the issue was raised over Latgalian language that was not knowledgeable to all Latvians and ALA demanded not to allow Lōcis to appear every week on the radio, and send their broadcast text to ALA in middle-Latgalian dialect that is more knowledgeable to the common Latvian. Meanwhile the Spanish radio management on 1970, 1971 and 1972 issued orders to Latvians to use only Spanish official sources. In each situation the order was quickly canceled and Spanish bureaucracy apologized for misunderstanding. The management was unaware of the Spanish non-recognition policy and did not coordinate their decisions with the governmental officials.

The issues between ALA and VFL grew stronger. ALA paid ridiculously low salaries to two assistants of Skultāns Ivonna Muktāne and Elza Grigāne De Miguel – 100$ in a month. While Skultāns asked to increase the salary, ALA ordered to fire one of the workers. Ignoring Skultāns ALA ceased payments to both workers, who for patriotic reasons decided to stay at the station. ALA then came to decision to end all financial support to Madrid station. Estonians and Lithuanians who continued to support the broadcasts were puzzled by this action, while Spilners started campign to support the radio station. ALA only agreed to finance VFL in case if Spanish radio increases the transmitter power. While such promises were made,  they were not fulfilled and funding problem continued. On June 14 1972 Ivonna Muktāne went to Venezuela to give birth to a child and become a citizen of the country. Elza Grigāne asked for replacement, but it never came. While Lithuanian and Estonian service went on full swing, the Latvian service of the National Radio of Spain was closed forever.

National Radio of Spain interval signal 1965

The Radio Free Russia transmitters used by the Voice of Free Latvians

The Radio Free Russia transmitters used by the Voice of Free Latvians

Свободная Россия/Brīvā Latviešu Balss (Radio Free Russia/Voice of Free Latvians)

The National Alliance of Russian Solidarists (Национально Трудовой Союз) NTS was formed on 1930 by the group of Russian anti-communist exiles. Their aim was topple the Bolshevik regime in Russia. By 1932 they tried to infiltrate their members in the Soviet Union, spread anti-communist propaganda using balloons. Their members were arrested in Soviet Union and persecuted by the Nazis. From today’s perspective a peculiar thing was their symbol – the Ukrainian trident along the Russian tricolor.  NTS survived the war and continued to establish contacts with Russian compatriots. KGB tried to silence the organization by sending Captain Nicolay Hohlov to assassinate the NTS leader Gregory Okolovich. Instead Hohlov asked for political asylum in West Germany and joined the NTS. Later Hohlov to KGB shame even became professor in American university. In late forties NTS acquired transmitter from the US army and started its clandestine broadcasts on 1950. The station was called Свободная Россия – Radio Free Russia. The transmitter was mounted on cargo truck moving along the border of the soviet controlled Germany. Antenna was simply thrown on the trees of the high-points. The Western German and US intelligence kept closed eyes on this operation, only in some cases asked to move truck to another hilltop. Eventually RFR moved to two stationary transmitters and without any license broadcasted daily for 13 hours for years. On 1958 KGB bombed the NTS transmitter in Sprendlingen. Despite the all the odds NTS survived the Cold War and ceased its activities after the fall of Soviet Union.

After National Radio of Spain closed the Latvian service Vilis Skultāns was looking for new radio station to host his Latvian service. American Latvian Alliance asked Skultāns to consider hold talks with West German radio Deutsche Welle broadcasting in nine languages, create independent station or hold talks with NTS in Frankfurt. Also, the Radio Vatican was asked to allow more room for political content. Deutsche Welle rejected the offer and Radio Vatican also refused. Meanwhile NTS was more approaching to allow Latvians to join their radio. Using NTS contact person Ojars Gobiņš who was in good relations with Ukrainian and Russian anti-communists he established friendly contacts with the movement.

On 1966 Skultāns issued manifesto all exile organizations explaining the goals of the Voice of Free Latvians. The station was set to fight russification, keep Latvians in hope for liberation day, strengthen the national self-conscience and resist the repression and injustice. The station was supported by Alliance for Fatherland AF who sent tape recordings of program Freedom for Fatherland. Station was also supported by Russians from Latvia such as Lev Rahr, who was Latvian citizen and served in the Latvian army. He helped Latvians to reach common agreement with NTS leadership. The agreement was made on commercial basis, NTS did not censor the station and the station kept its Madrid radio name – The Voice of Free Latvians. One of the Latvians dean Miķelis Lizdiks asked can Latvians speak freely against the russification in Latvia and against the Russian chauvinism as whole. The answer was yes – from all republics Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia have full rights for independence. Only demand was not to associate whole Russian people with communism. However, the heads of the leading Latvian exile organizations did not believe the Russian promises for support for independence. Month later NTS sent letter in German where he again re-assured that Latvia that was annexed by Soviet Union has full rights of restoring independence, also adding many citations from NTS conferences supporting this view.

On October 15 1966 the Voice of Free Latvians was back on the airwaves. The broadcast started with NTS hosts in Russian saying “let’s give the microphone to our Latvian common thinkers”, afterwards the voice in Latvian issued: This is VFL, the broadcasts take place every day from 9:00 in the evening to 9:10 with two repeats right after that. Our wavelength is   26 and 46,9 meters. Long live free Latvia!” Followed by nationalist slogans and reading of the poem by Jānis Jaunsudrabiņš Remember Latvia! the first issue of the program was “Communist party troubles in Western world”. The station aired from 21:00 to 21:30, containing 10 minute original program, repeated two times, to avoid the soviet jammers. The location of the station was kept secret to avoid KGB sabotage.

NTS demanded 1 000 Deutschmarks in a month, later slightly increasing it. However, because of financial shortages, Latvians could not always pay in time. They were forced to send apply to increase the debt period that NTS accepted. NTS cut monthly pay to 700 DM. On 1968 Latvians owned 4 200 DM to NTS. With all the NTS cuts the supporting organizations from Chicago and AF still could not assemble enough funds to pay of NTS. Latvians had to decrease the broadcast times while both supporting sides conflicted with each other. The station workers had no pay; often had use their own funds to buy tapes, writing materials and sometimes even half of program time. Such situation went on until 1969. The main Latvian exile organizations not only denied support for the VFL but also condemned the only politically free Latvian radio station that had no funds to sustain itself.

While NTS demanded only to cover financial issues and did not mind nationalistic rhetoric voiced by VFL, other Latvians in exile raised suspicion that VFL is hosted by Russians and condemned the VFL association with Russian chauvinists. VFL tried to show voice of reason that not all Russians are communists and many Russians are anti-communists and Latvian allies and more danger comes from Latvian communists.

Other critics raised arguments that the station was not receivable in Latvia. While an argument that station cannot be received in the UK was ridiculous because station was aimed at Riga, many claimed that there is no one from Latvia who had listened to the “NTS Latvian Broadcast”. VFL countered the arguments that they have received letters from listeners in Latvia and their broadcasts are interesting to Latvian listeners then the Latvian VOA report on US Foreign  Secretary daughter’s wedding with Afro-American.  On 1968 Latvian National Fund made secret survey in Riga and Ogre where 25 people stated they mostly listen BBC World Service in Russian, VOA in Latvian and the VFL despite, the fact it’s jammed more than others. One NTS agent in USSR was tasked to drive from Leningrad to Tbilisi and measure the reception of the NTS radio. His report concluded that VFL is receivable very well in Latvia outside large towns. And, with that the best source was soviet newspapers that complained about Radio Free Russia and mentioned Latvians. Despite the KGB efforts VFL received letters praising the station. VFL broadcasted wide spectrum of political and historical issues. They were not affected by other state guidelines were more nationalistic and anti-communistic.

On 1969 National Radio of Spain suddenly renewed broadcasting in Latvian. Most of the VFL staff moved to Madrid. Meanwhile for three years VFL continued broadcasting on Radio Free Russia. Dean Miķelis Lizdiks worked alone in the Frankfurt transmitter. Loaded with work and lack of funds Lizdiks eventually gave up on 1971. On 1972 NTS received letter in Russian, that claimed that in deep regret the VFL have failed to attain its goal and was never received by anyone in Latvia and disappointed financers have cut all funding. While the statement was false and self inflicting, the VLF was received in Latvia, the true reason was lack of support from exile committee, NTS accepted the closure and sent their best regards.

Radio Free Russia interval signal 1972

This is the long story short about the international broadcasting in the Latvian language. While VOA and RFE/RL was supported by the US government and managed to reach enough quality, the Voice of Free Latvians was troubled by the lack of the support amidst Latvian exiles. The story of the Voice of Free Latvians is unique one because for one period of time it operated as unlicensed clandestine service hosted by Russian exile nationalist movement. Until the appearance of RFE/RL Latvian service the VFL was only alternative to the VOA and Radio Vatican. Both VOA and RFE/RL can be praised for their work transmitting the western point of view to Latvians kept behind the Iron Curtain. The stations inspired Latvian anti-soviet resistance and kept the ordinary Latvians hesitant to the sovietization and russification. While Latvia is multiconfesional country with Catholic Church only playing main role in some regions, the Radio Vatican service did great work exposing the soviet repressions against Christians and kept the spirit of religion among the Latvian believers. During the soviet rule Catholics were the most resistant to the soviet policy of atheism, while Lutherans and Orthodox were more willing to give up their faith.  Voice of Free Latvians meanwhile broadcasted alternative point of view not affected even by their hosts the Spanish Franco government and NTS the Russian exile movement.

Today the situation again resembles the days of the Cold War where information and propaganda is used as essential part of hybrid warfare. The propaganda wars now mostly takes place on television on the internet as shortwave broadcasting has been used by only few countries in the world. But, the methods are often the same, and Latvia and the West as whole again needs a lot of recourses to counter propaganda coming from Russia and various terrorist organizations. Latvia now is independent country with the Western support, so the need for defending its point of view relies heavily on us. The lesson from Latvian exile bickering over the Voice of Free Latvians shows how good projects can be doomed by people who are interested in it in the first place. Today Latvian information services are unable to form a TV program in Russian language and the attempts on foreign language service on internet often give poor results. The defeat in the information war can once again lead to situation where exiles and refugees are forced to seek means of broadcasting information to the homeland controlled by hostile forces. Because of this all past lessons are meant to be taken into account. The propaganda and information is one of the essential weapons of the national security.

Selected Sources:

Johatan H. L’Hommedieu. Baltic Language Broadcasting: Emigre Politics and American Cold War Radios.    Latvian History Institute Journal.  2014. Nr. 2

Richard H. Cummings. (2009) Cold War Radio. The Dangerous History of the American Broadcasting in Europe, 1950-1989. New York. Mc. Farland& Company Inc.

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē.

Rolfs Ekmanis.  Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Radio brīvā eiropa / Radio brīvība (rfe/rl) – v

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Radio brīvība (rl) paspārnē 1975-1984– i

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Radio brīvība (rl) paspārnē 1975-1984 – ii

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Radio Vatikāns.

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Madrides brīvā latviešu balss 1955-1965

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Brīvā latviešu balss frankfurtē 1965–1972 – i daļa.

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Brīvā latviešu balss frankfurtē 1965-1972 – ii daļa.

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Brīvā latviešu balss frankfurtē 1965-1972 – ii daļa. Brīvā latviešu balss frankfurtē 1965-1972 – iii daļa.

Rolfs Ekmanis. Starptautiskie raidījumi latviešu valodā 20. Gs. Otrā pusē. Latviešu balsis atkal madridē 1969-1972


Tagged: international radio, Radio history, shortwave, Vintage radio

International Radio Broadcasting from Baltic States. Broadcasting the Voice of Independence

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Lithuanian Shortwave Transmitter site at Sitkunai

Lithuanian Shortwave Transmitter site at Sitkunai

During the Cold War various international radio stations made daily broadcasts in Baltic States languages mainly aimed for people in the soviet occupied countries. Stations like Radio Free Europe and Voice of America Baltic services provided the local listeners with information outside the Iron Curtain and encouraged the resistance against the soviet regime. From 1987 when independence restoration movements took power in Baltic states it was now time for Baltic radio stations to start international broadcasts in English, German ect to broadcast the voice of independence and gather the support across the world. Historical records show that these international broadcasts gathered significant attention from the shortwave listeners and raised awareness over the goal of restoring the Baltic States independence.   Although these broadcasts were short-lived and forgotten they were one of the first Baltic attempts of international representation before the era of internet and satellite TV.

From Monitoring times November 1988

From Monitoring times November 1988

Radio Riga International/Radio Latvia International

Radio Latvia begun its broadcasts on 1925. It had no foreign language service, yet its shortwave transmitters were powerful enough to make radio receivable in Japan. Shortwave signal can travel great distances across the world and is the best form for international radio broadcasting. Long Wave and Medium Wave signals becomes stronger during the nights when they can be received in vast areas around the transmitting country. Meanwhile FM radio signal is almost impossible to receive in wide areas and is unsuitable for international broadcasting.

Radio Latvia continued to work during the soviet occupation and served the official soviet point of view. Despite the presence of the soviet propaganda the Latvian Radio was well enjoyed and culturally significant. It had foreign language service in Russian and later in Swedish on 1960. While the primary soviet international broadcast station was Radio Moscow, the capitals of the soviet republics had their own sister stations. For stations like Radio Riga their goal was to show Latvia as proud and integral part of the Soviet Union contrary to the official Western policy that did not recognize the occupation of the Baltic states. On 1986 the Radio Riga was reported to use 5935 kHz daily in various languages to different target areas. However, this frequency was also used by Kenga radio from Bhutan that made interference to some listeners. One of the problems of the shortwave radio is that not all stations have common agreement on the use of frequencies and sometimes they are used by two stations at once or nearby station signal is stronger. The shortwave signal targeting, transmitter power output and signal targeting often decides which station is received and which is not. This was not the first time when Riga Radio experienced problems from other shortwave stations.

Before the rise of the national movements the stations of the soviet republics were mostly viewed as exotic catch for shortwave listeners, but nothing more as the stations kept the official line with the Radio Moscow. That begun to change as early as 1989 when the shortwave radio magazines like Monitoring Times begun to list the Radio Riga as the station from Latvia.  The major reforms introduced by soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev allowed more media freedom and Radio Latvia started to broadcast more freely. Also since the shortwave jamming was canceled since 1986 the western radio stations affected the editors of the local stations. They also felt obliged to report the news about the independence movement that was taking power in the country.  On 1989 the Radio Riga was broadcasting in  Latvian at 0830 -0925 and 2100 -2200 Sundays, 2020 -2050 and 2130 -2200 Wednesdays. In Swedish on Tuesday /Thursday from 2020 -2050 and 0800 -0830 Sunday and Russian 1500 -1600, all on 5935 kHz. Various Soviet radio services air on this channel at other times between 0300 -2000 (all times in UTC) Radio Riga transmitter was also used by Radio Moscow that sent broadcasts in Hausa language  intended to South Africa on  15140 kHz while also providing Russian service on 11920 kHz.

On March 1991 the Radio Riga extended the English broadcast 30 minutes on 1830, Sundays at 0700 on 5935 kHz. Radio Riga also got an English newscast on Radiostantsiya Atlantika, normally Russian only seamen service from Leningrad, Sunday at 1305-1315 on 15330 kHz.  From July 1991 Radio Riga renamed itself to Radio Latvia. Since May 4 1990 Latvia had started the process of restoring full independence from USSR and the events like 1991 January barricade movement was reported by the Latvians on the radio waves. The Radio Latvia building was surrounded with barricades and all the most important speeches and announcements were issued from there.  The Medium Wave broadcasts were temporarily cut.   On August 1991 during the Moscow coup attempt the Latvian Radio building was stormed by Soviet special forces and turned off the transmitter. However, the Radio Latvia managed to restore work using reserve transmitter in Salaspils city.   On November 1991 the journalist of the popular Monitoring Times magazine Charles Brian Goslow  toured all three Baltic states and met the workers of the Radio Latvia. There he met young radio journalist Uldis Cērps. Cērps and Mārtiņš Grāvitas hosted the weekly English program focusing on political issues, culture and Latvian music. Daily news were read by Inese Eglīte. The news material was assembled from Radio Latvia content, the Latvian Telegraph Agency LETA and Baltic News Service BNS. While the station was well received in in Europe in United States its reception was only best during winter times. There was plan to establish transmission point in US using the help of the Latvian American Association. It was also planed to establish a satellite network with other Baltic states to make the radio stations receivable in US and other countries using satellite TV. Both the Radio Latvia and Radio Vilnius exchanged news material

At that time the fate of the Latvian independence was decided to Latvian favor and Russia had recognized its independence. The station had filed an appeal with the United Nations for acquiring anew frequency. Its present 5935 kHz position is not very usable, however the Moscow had secured most of the best frequencies for themselves.  However, new frequency was not gained and new trouble was caused by World Wide Christian Radio that started to broadcast on 5935 kHz blocking the English program in US. Radio Latvia continued to use this frequency for many years until the closure of the foreign service on 2001.  Broadcasts also took place in Russian on evening times at the same frequency. The Russian language broadcasts were also aired on Medium Wave on 1071, 1485. 1539 kHz as the MW broadcasts could reach Russia during evenings and nights. There was also plan for Radio Riga station as joint venture between Baltic News Service and Germany that was short-lived project.

Radio Latvia continued its   shortwave radio broadcasts until it was decided that do the lack of state funding these broadcasts are no longer feasible. On 2000 the shortwave and medium wave broadcasts were turned off leaving the Radio Latvia on FM and on internet. The shortwave transmitter tower  in Ulbroka was rented by some foreign stations until it became abandoned and demolished on 2014. Recent years with new information war with Russia has shown that Radio Latvia lacks Medium Wave broadcasts to properly reach the border areas, where Russian and Belarusian radios are received in more better quality. Also Medium Wave broadcast in Russian directed towards Russia is cheaper and effective solution than   fruitless discussions about new Latvian TV service for Russian audience.

From Monitoring Times 1990 July issue

From Monitoring Times 1990 July issue

Radio Vilnius 

Lithuania started its radio service on 1926 from Kaunas which was than a national capital. After the soviet occupation when Vilnius became part of Lithuania the radio center moved there. Radio Vilnius on 1986 had no shortwave transmitter near Vilnius. Instead it used transmitters in Kaunas and two relays in Russia. Therefore their broadcasts were better received then their counterparts in Latvia and Estonia. Radio Vilnius used 7400 and 9710 kHz and was part of the Radio Moscow network.

Radio Vilnius started to broadcast in English as early as 1988 when they English broadcasts were scheduled on 13645 kHz on 22:00. Radio Vilnius English broadcasts were easy to receive in North America because it was using powerful Radio Moscow transmitters aimed at US. 2200  On 1989 it broadcast on -2230 (2300 -2330 in winter months) on 9765, 9860,15240, 15455, and 17665. The most rarely reported home service was on 9710 at 0300-2200. Judging by the reception reports on Monitoring Times magazine the Radio Vilnius was the most received and listened of all three Baltic international stations. The English program was hosted by Andrius Uzkalnis and Izolda Malyte. The radio hosted its own listeners club that was aired at the final Sunday of the every month. Membership was gained by sending 1o reception reports. In return for letters, the radio sent QSO cards (special radio postcard sent as a replay to the reception report), souvenirs and pennants.

From Monitoring Times 1990 July issue

From Monitoring Times 1990 July issue

Onward’s from 1990 when Lithuania declared full restoration of independence the Radio Vilnius received great attention from foreign listeners.  Station broadcast news about its independence declaration and national history and soon got in conflict with the Radio Moscow which provided resurgent station with powerful transmitters. On mid March 1990 for two days the Radio Vilnius transmissions were replaced by the Radio Moscow programs a move made by Soviet Ministry of Communications. Not only Moscow could cut off all the Radio Vilnius transmissions it also tried to jam them by transmitting strong Radio Minsk broadcast near the Radio Vilnius frequency. Unfortunately Radio Liberty also interfered by transmitting on of the Radio Vilnius frequencies.  Moscow official explained the two-day takeover
of Vilnius frequencies as a switching error due to converting schedules to summer time (BBC Monitoring) Trouble is, it happened a week before DST. The disruption continued as high power transmitters were cut off and replaced by weak defective transmitters that were used before as jammers. The reception was poor affected by load noise indicating deliberate disruption. The Lithuanian parliament voted to take control over radio and TV however, that did not seem to affect the radio disruption. On November 1990 the Voice of America looked up the possibility to find source of transmissions outside Soviet Union. Such step although noble was could also mean serious shift in US diplomacy that was generally supportive towards independence, but restrained to take active part hoping the issue would be decided by Lithuanians and Soviets themselves.

Soviets saw Lithuanian radio and TV as serious threat and therefore it was no wonder that on January 13 1991 the Soviet special Alfa forces stormed the radio and TV center in Vilnius with tanks. The assault and civilian resistance caused bloodshed taking the lives of 15 people. During the events of January foreign listeners heard the calls for armed resistance. January 13 was major turning point in the fight for independence that also caused Barricade uprising in Latvia.  Until August 1991 Soviets withdraw from further attempts to suppress the independence. However, the State and Radio building was still under soviet control till late August. The radio and TV had to relocate to new location within the city, a building that belonged to the Lithuanian Society for the Blind. In June the building was raided by Soviet Black Berets, but studio staff received warning of the incoming assault and loaded all the necessary equipment in the car and moved to the apartment building nearby.

The night after the attack on the radio station the soviet relay frequencies played only fill music. Two weeks later the Radio Vilnius was heard again with very critical report the events of January 13. Broadcasts continued from Kaunas transmitter. On March after exchanging for broadcast rights in Lithuania for two Moscow TV programs the Radio Vilnius gained its Soviet relays back. Meanwhile the Radio Vilnius got is competitor – Radio Centras – one of the first independent private radio stations in Soviet Union. From May 1991 it started its own shortwave broadcasts in English for DXers (hobby receivers of faraway signals) on 9170 kHz on morning times. 9170 kHz was also used by Radio Vilnius. Later the Radio Centras also made broadcast in Esperanto.

From Monitoring Times 1991 November issue

From Monitoring Times 1991 November issue

On August 1991 during the Moscow coup attempt Radio Vilnius was off for two days. The temporary studio building was seized, but after the end of the failed coup radio got its main building back. The radio and TV building was ransacked by soviet troops during the months of occupation and had to be placed back to order. Full independence was gained, however that meant that Vilnius may lose the transmitter relays in Russia that provided it with great worldwide reception. Also the transmission costs to rent these relays increased by six folds. The Radio Vilnius had used transmitters in Khabarovsk, Petrapovlosk-Kamchatky, in Moldova and in Krasnodar. Another transmitter was given up in Ukraine. On September, the transmitter in Khabarovsk was out-of-order.

QSL card from Radio Vilnius from 1997

QSL card from Radio Vilnius from 1997

Radio Vilnius raised popularity pretty quickly, but soon after the independence experienced fast demise. Station openly admitted that   its existence it at stake because of the funding shortages on 1993. All three Baltic States experienced major financial problems for many services caused by the collapse of the  soviet market. Many favorite radio shows disappeared without proper explanation , demoralizing the staff. After much talk the Radio Vilnius secured the English service for another year. Later on 1997 Radio Vilnius used transmitter in Germany. On 1999 a new transmitter site was unveiled  at Sitkunai, near Kaunas that was the main state transmitter site. New antenna towers were made by German company. Radio Vilnius broadcast on  three frequencies 9710, 9875, and 7325 kHz. The new modern transmission center supported by state parliament allowed Radio Vilnius to work for many years until 2009 the shortwave broadcasts were completely shutdown. The financial crisis that struck the country finally put end to the most famous of the all Baltic shortwave stations. The Sitkunia transmitter still uses Medium Wave for Radio Lithuania domestic service. Sitkunai is also used for Medium Wave transmissions of the Radio Baltic Waves International on 1386 Khz, the same frequency is also used by Radio Liberty Belarusian service, and Japanese NHK World Belarusian service. The close proximity to the Belarus allows Sitkunia transmitter to be good source of transmissions aired towards the authoritarian country.

From Monitoring Times August 1992

From Monitoring Times August 1992

Radio Tallinn/Radio Estonia

Estonia was the first Baltic country to start domestic radio service on 1924. It had one of the strongest transmitters in all inter war Europe. The broadcasts were aired for 15 hours a day, it had its own orchestra and joint broadcasts with Finland. On 1938 an experimental stereo broadcasts were made by the Tallinn radio.  Estonia started external service on 194o. Later however, comparing to Latvia and Lithuania its radio lesser known. Also comparing to Latvia and Lithuania, Estonia had very small almost unnoticed radio industry, while Latvia and Lithuania was one of the top radio producers in Soviet Union. Radio Tallinn on 1986 used 5925 kHz, however on certain period of day the frequency was also used by station in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. The station featured a five -minute Esperanto broadcast at 0925 UTC on two Sundays of the month, and at 2225 UTC on two Thursdays of the month – a whole twenty minutes of shortwave per month. Such ‘economical’ schedule showed that shortwave is a low priority to the Estonians. On 1989 the political situation in the country made the station to start broadcasting in English once a week. Station also broadcast in Swedish and Finnish.  The 50 kW transmitter was one of the weakest in all three Baltic states therefore was a challenge to receive.  Lack of qualified English speakers kept the station from transmitting more often. News material and support was provided by Radio Finland. Since Estonia always considered it as Scandinavian country the Swedish and Finnish service was considered more important and signal in these languages were well received in the target country. Estonia also enjoyed quality reception of the Finnish TV and radio thanks to its close proximity to Finland. Soviet jammers were unable to properly silence the Finnish transmissions because only a narrow strait of Finland separated both countries.

Estonia started transition to independence on 1990. Similar as Latvia it had sizable Russian speaking population, many of them against independence. So in Estonia a station called Radio Nadezhda (Radio Hope) appeared on  Medium Wave frequency 747 kHz that was voicing the support for Moscow and stood against the Estonian independence. The station worked for many months until August 1991. Despite the opposition the events in Estonia were most peaceful comparing to Latvia and Lithuania. Estonia was mostly unaffected by  January events on 1991. Partly this because of the soviet Major-General Dhzokhar Dudayev who was in charge of the armed forces in Estonia and ignored the orders to attack Estonian parliament and television. Dudayev sympathetic to the Estonian national movement later became the leader of the Chechen struggle for independence.

Radio Tallinn added new shortwave frequency 9650 kHz and improved its English broadcasts. The August coup attempt on 1991 was met with Estonian resistance and barricades were built in the streets of Tallinn. On August 1992 the station was featured in the Monitoring Times magazine. Estonian radio had four domestic channels and external service in Swedish, Finn, Esperanto and English. The English service had only one staff member Ethel Halliste, who complained that low radio salaries did motivate other Estonian English speakers to acquire the job. The low funding and the weak shortwave transmitter made low prospects for the Estonian international radio broadcasting. On October 1993 Estonia was first to cancel all the foreign language broadcasts. On 1994 the shortwave broadcasts were again restored for a short time. Estonia did not live up to the shortwave broadcasting. In later years the country took different step by becoming one of the most innovative internet countries creating such mass communications tools as Skype and becoming one of the most Westernized of the three Baltic countries.

Shortwave radio broadcasting is now a thing of a past in the Baltic States. Latvia is a country of a rich history of radio production, its shortwave service however, was less known because its transmitter on 5935 kHz was not strong enough comparing to ones in Lithuania. The relative success of the Radio Vilnius can be explained by its use of multiple transmitters across the Soviet Union and high enthusiasm of its radio staff. Also the country provided great support to the state radio by building new major transmitter site in Sitkunai that is still used today. Estonian and Latvian governments did not gave much support to the shortwave broadcasting. The Radio Latvia board started to carefully study the Latvian Radio and Television law and found that shortwave radio transmissions can only took place if supported by state. Since state gave no money, the Latvians canceled the broadcasts. However, the work of these short-lived stations were not in wain. Western countries received important information about the events in the Baltic countries and generated support towards the independence movement. The shortwave radio journals show that foreign listeners were interested and sympathetic towards the Baltic radio stations. The radio stations helped the Baltic States to be found again on the world map. Today all the main news information from the Baltic states is available solely on internet. There is no Baltic news 24 hour satellite channel. The local state funded internet English news services have various quality. Good quality broadcasting and news content on English, German, Russian is vital in these times when new information war has taken pace. It’s doubtful that Baltic States will again broadcast in shortwave. However, the transmitter in Sitkunai, can be used for such purposes if the need arises.

Selected Sources:

Monitoring Times  issues from 1986 to 1999.

Jerome S. Berg. Broadcasting on the Short Waves, 1945 to Today.McFarland. 2008.

How Lithuania Boosted its Voice on the Shortwave http://www.zilionis.lt/rtv/qth/sit/RNW_lithuania020204.htm

Cancled transmissions from Lithuania http://mt-shortwave.blogspot.com/2009/01/cancelled-transmissions-from-lithuania.html

Jāizlemj par īsviļņu raidītāja izmantošanu Latvijas tēla veidošanai http://www.diena.lv/arhivs/jaizlemj-par-isvilnu-raiditaja-izmantosanu-latvijas-tela-veidosanai-10446936

The Classic and not so classic shortwave broadcast and utility and broadcast band (MW & LW) QSL home page http://k6eid.com/Lithuania.htm
Shortwave Radio Recordings: Radio Vilnius 1990-1991 http://swling.com/blog/2015/01/shortwave-radio-recordings-radio-vilnius-1990-1991/


Tagged: international radio, Latvian Radio, Radio history, Radio Riga, Radio Tallinn, Radio Vilnius, shortwave

Muslims in Latvia

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Latvian translation of the Quran.

The refugee crisis in Europe has also affected Latvian society. Latvia as EU country is taking part in handling the crisis and has agreed to accept to host at least 776 refugees from Syria, Libya and other countries. Meanwhile the country is already holding a large number of refugees who managed to cross the Latvian border. They are from various Muslim countries including Afghanistan. In following years Latvia might experience an influx of Muslim immigrants in form of refugees or work seekers. Although by no means Latvia is one of the most desired places for Middle Eastern refugees, on the contrary Latvia with its economic issues and rough climate is one of the lest desired. Also the knowledge and contact between Latvia and Middle Eastern Muslim countries have been limited. But, that does not mean that this will be first time in Latvian history when a new ethno-religious community will emerge. Muslims in small numbers have lived in Latvia since 19th century and their presence has increased in last two decades. This is a story about first Muslim communities in Latvia and how they evolved in the restored independent country. The therm Muslim is used here as for followers of Islam. The Islam is transnational religion, and various national groups practicing Islam who had lived and lives in Latvia are described here. Lastly the phenomena of last twenty years is the growing numbers of Latvian converters who will be mentioned here in the end.

Before Crusades at 8th to 11th century trough Viking traders the Arabian silver Dirhams reached Latvian territory bringing first artifacts of the emerging Muslim civilization in Baltic pagan lands. First direct contacts with Muslims in Latvian territory goes back to 13th century when the Tatars of the Golden Horde took part in raids against Livonia hosted by Russian Duchies. During the Livonian War (1558-1583)  it said that around 40 000 Tatar and Russian soldiers under the command of the Han Shahghali and later Simeon Bekbulatovich took part in the Muscovite invasion. Many centuries later during Russian-Turkish war on 1877, hundred Turkish prisoners of war were brought to Cēsis and Līvāni district. The land where they were settled became known as the Turki parish. 26 Turks died of illnesses and bad weather, but others survived and settled in the city of Cēsis. There they opened Turkish Bakery.   The Turkish cemetery was opened in Cēsis and has been preserved and restored by the help of the Turkish consulate. Turkish cemeteries have been built elsewhere in Latvia, where mostly Turkish war prisoners were taken.

Tatar community in Latvian territory emerged at the last half of the 19th century, mostly from immigrants who came to industrialized cities like Riga, Jelgava and Daugavpils. On 1890 the local Tatar leaders mullah Muhamet Shakir Abdul Arapov, Abdulla Myazhitov and Kurma Hamet Ishniyezov pleaded to establish Muslim cemetery next to Catholic cemetery in Pletenberg street (now Aizsaules street). On 1902 first Muslim congregation was established. The local imam  was Ibragim Davidov, who soon opened the first house of prayer. According to the 1897 all Russia census there were 1 541 Tatars living in Latvian parts of the Russian empire. 920 of them served in the Russian army. There were also small amount Bashkirs and Kyrgyzs who also served in the army. 3/4 of the local Muslims were illiterates and mostly were peasants. The Muslim soldiers after the end of duty headed back to home. Some few tens of Muslim civilians lived here permanently who mostly were small time traders. 564 Tatars lived in Daugavpils that had major Russian war fortification’s. On 1913 510 Muslims mostly soldiers  lived in Riga and close areas. Most of them lived in Moscow District in Riga and mainly spoke in Tatar or Turkish. According to their reports on 1914 their congregation had 1000 members. However, if excluding the temporary soldiers the Muslim community in Riga and elsewhere was much smaller.

The First World war made most members of the Muslim community to leave Latvia. The imam Ibragim Davidov who was promoted  mullah left Riga on 1917 after Germans captured Riga. Because Russia entered war against Ottoman Empire, there were repressions against few of the Turks. Turkish Bakeries were closed in Rīga and one Turkish house owner was arrested. During the War for Independence some Tatars previously fighting for the Red Army were conscripted into Latvian Armed forces. Around 25 Tatars served in the Latvian army up to 1920. Some of the Muslims came back to Latvia after the end of the war. The Latvian army even issued order for few of the Muslim soldiers to give holidays during Kurban Bayrami (Eid al-Adha)  celebrations. On April 1920 Tatar Hassan Haretdinov-Konikov  came to Riga from Finland and tried to acquire the objects belonging to Riga House of Prayer. He insisted all the Muslims of Riga have relocated to Finland. The 24 consecrated carpets and Quran  was not given to him by Latvian authorities because the Riga congregation was not legally closed and its members might come back. Then Hassan Haretdinov-Konikov unsuccessfully pleaded to the Ministry of Justice to build Mosque in Riga.

On July 1920 the Riga Muslim Council elected Turkish cafeteria-bakery owner  Shakir Husnetdinov as deputy imam. On 1928 he was officially appointed by Latvian Spiritual affairs council as permanent imam of Riga. The prayers and ceremonies were held in the imams apartment at the Marijas street 48. Although Hustedinov was not allowed to register marriages despite many pleas to the Latvian authorities. On 1920 there were 115 Tatars and 19 Turks. There were 130 registered Muslim men (2 of them Latvians) and 32 woman. On 1925 census 9 Poles were registered as Muslims. On 1935 just 66 Muslims were counted in the last national census before world war. The Riga congregation had only 42 members left. 39 Tatars, 28 Turks, 17 Persians, and 1 Syrian were counted in the census. Comparing to other minorities such as Jews who were 4% of the state population the Muslim minority in Latvia was overly marginal.

On 1940 Soviets occupied Latvia. Some of the Muslims were repressed. Tatar Abdula Husnetdin disappeared. One Tatar of noble ancestry was arrested in hotel “Roma” cafeteria and tried to poison himself to avoid arrest. The Nazi occupation did not make remaining Muslims flee. on 1943 40 Tatars and 35 Turks were registered  by Nazi authorities. Some of them were prisoners of war from the Red Army. Germans also brought some Tatars to Latvia for work.  Mullah Shakir Husnetdinov continued to serve as leader of the community. As the soviets came back most members of the interwar community left Latvia including  Shakir Husnetdinov. Trader Alimzhan Husnetdin with his Latvian wife spent first post war years in Latvian refugee camp in West Germany. Almost all original interwar Latvian Muslim community was lost, only few remained.

The new wave of Muslim immigrants emerged during Soviet occupation and was part of the overall influx of the immigrants from the Soviet Union. First who came after the war were retired Soviet soldiers and officers with their family. Few of the Crimean Tatars who were deported on 1944 after being rehabilitated moved to their army relatives in Latvia. On 1959 census there were 1 811 Tatars, also people from soviet Central Asian republics and Caucasus came.   The number of the Tatars grew steadily: on 1970 2 671, on 1979 3 764, on 1989- 3 168. New Azeri and Chechen communities emerged along with those of Central Asia. One part of them were Russianized, spoke Russian and had abandoned the Muslim traditions.   Others still kept their identity and traditions. Crimean Tatar Refat Chubarov was a long time director of the Latvian State Archive. Currently he is a Chairman of the Mejlis of the Crimean Tatar People and lives in exile after Russian occupation of Crimea.

The religious practice in many cases were kept unofficially as the soviet authorities regarding  religious organizations issued restrictive measures. There were now official house of prayers, rituals were carried out in private apartments.  On 1958 the mother of Riga Muslim Congregational council chairman Rufiya Sheviryova who was member of the Jēkabpils district soviet managed to establish a Muslim Cemetery in the Jēkabpils next to Jewish cemetery. Before that the Muslims were laid to rest in the Jewish cemetery causing protests.

After the regain of independence many Muslims left Latvia for their ethnic homelands. The size of Tatars dropped from 3 168 in 1989 to 2 164 in 2011. 2765 Azeris lived in Latvia on 1989 but dropped to more a half four years later. Large numbers of Crimean Tatars returned to Crimea. Remaining Tatars and Azeris have established cultural societies. The “Ideļ” for Tatars and “Azeri” for Azeris.  The Chechen Diaspora became active because of Chechen War of Independence. Their representatives tried to convince Latvian authorities to recognize the Republic of Chechnya and open its embassy albeit unsuccessfully. The “Chechen Mafia” scare has been present in Latvia, as some Chechen businessman have been accused of criminal actions. They also been attributed to have political influence on some of the Latvian political parties. However, none of the Caucasian Muslim communities have ever posed serious threat to Latvian state and society.

 As Latvia became member of EU, some sparked fear of the influx of economical immigrants from Turkey and other Muslim lands. That did not happen, most representatives of the Middle East  states are foreign exchange students and small number of permanent settlers. In recent years illegal immigrants who  crossed Latvian-Russian or Latvian-Belarusian border from various countries as Afghanistan, Kurdistan, Pakistan, Syria and others have been living in detention centers. Small numbers of them have asked for permanent stay in Latvia, as they view Latvia as transit point to other EU countries.  They have general problems learning Latvian and find work. If the state is considering to settle immigrants currently displaced in other EU countries, serious considerations needs to be taken of how to integrate them, teach Latvian language and involve them in to jobs. Permanent living in migrant center and constant living on small state benefits will cause long therm problems.

The presence of Islam as religion in Latvia has been so far mostly invisible. The only House of prayers are located in  Rīga, Brīvības street 104.   First Muslim congregation in Riga was Ideļ established on 1993.  Muslim congregations were established also in Jēkabpils and Daugavpils. The Riga Imam since 1997 is Tatar Midhat Satdanov. There is 15 Muslim congregations in Latvia with no united umbrella organization. On 2005 the Lebanese Christian Arab doctor Hosam Abu Meri established Latvian Arab Center who unites the members of the Latvian Arabs, who are around 120 people currently in Latvia as claimed by the center webpage.  On 2011 The Latvian Islamic Center was established with Zufars Zainullin as the chairman. On 2013 he was replaced by Imran Oleg Petrov. 2015 he was replaced by Hamza Jānis Līciņs. The members and visitors of this center is mostly foreign students and Latvian convertees. The number of ethnic Latvians converted to Islam is small, but some of these members consider them more religious then their native Muslim counterparts.

The influence of the Muslim culture on Latvian  nation has increased in last two decades. The Kebab shops are common sight in Riga, Middle Eastern motives can be seen in Latvian music and art. There is fairly common interest in Islamic culture. The University of Latvia has opened Asian Study Chamber with the leading expert on Islamic culture professor Leons Taivāns.  The Holy book of Quran has been translated twice in Latvian. Egypt and Turkey are common tourist routes for Latvians. Generally Latvians are no stranger to Islamic culture. There also been many cases of mixed marriages and international contacts. However, the ongoing war on terrorism and recent refugee crisis has sparked the rise of islamophobia within Latvian society.  Fear that terrorist acts that took place in Europe may take place in Latvia, fear from more immigrants of unknown culture have divided the Latvian society. The division is also boosted by far right nationalistic party who is in the government.

Latvia has always been a multicultural country. The history shows that Muslims were rather marginal and silent part of the diverse nations in Latvia. It could stay like this or is about to change. The historic Muslims in Latvia where Turks and Tatars and Caucasians. The tides of history may bring numbers of newcomers from Middle East a region that Latvia yet has very low connection. Latvian society has been tolerant and accepting and xenophobic at the same time. Muslims in Western Europe went trough decades to integrate and its apparent that full integration has not yet taken place. For Latvia it will take tens of more years. Currently Latvian society is not ready for new influx of newcomers from Muslim world. So if Latvia do face such new of migration it will be one of the grandest challenges of our times. Lets us remind however, that looking back at Latvian-non-Latvian relations; the relations where not without issues and misunderstandings, but always common ground was reached between the two sides. Latvians must accept Muslims, but Muslims despite our cultural distances must accept Latvians and their way of life. This is the life long challenge for all of us.

Selected Sources:

Valters Ščerbinskis. Ienācēji no tālienes: Austrumu un dienvidu tautu pārstāvju Latvijā no 19. gadsimta beigām līdz mūsdienām. http://providus.lv/article_files/1111/original/Ienaceji.pdf?1326908271

Inga Reča. Islāms Latvijā. http://apollo.tvnet.lv/zinas/islams-latvija/289138

Valters Ščerbinskis. Islāma vēsture Latvijā. http://www.islam.lv/lv/islam_in_latvia/history/

Islāmticīgie Latvijā – kas un kādi viņi ir? http://www.ir.lv:889/2015/10/20/islamticigie-latvija-kas-un-kadi-vini-ir


Tagged: Islam, Latvia, Muslim history, national minorities, Religion in Latvia

Latvia 2015 A Year of Fright

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Another year is brought to conclusion and new year will be born. Time again to sum up the main events that took place in Latvia during 2015. Last year 2014 I called the “Year of peril”. It was the peril of war coming from our eastern neighbor. That peril remained for rest of the 2015. However, a new trend showed up in Latvian public discourse. It was fear from terrorism, refugees and homosexuals that was stirred up by populist nationalist forces and forces with close ties to Kremlin. The last two months brought a another political crisis that is currently developing and it may have highly undesirable outcome. That’s why 2015 was the year of fright. In this post the main themes selected by me will be discussed in detail. This analysis entitles my personal opinion.

Major Malfunction in the Latvian Politics

The origins of this major malfunction can be traced in November 2013. After the tragic Maxima supermarket roof collapse that took away lives of 54 people the government of Valdis Dombrovskis resigned. Valdis Dombr0vskis from Vienotība (Unity) party had been Prime Minister of four governments since 2009. He resigned to take the “political responsibility” for Zolitūde disaster. Immediately, after his resignation a discussions begun of new PM from Vienotība who would replace him.   Solvita Āboltiņa a parliamentary speaker  and leader of the ruling party refused to take the PM seat. Vienotība placed bets on Artis Pabriks then a Minister of Defense to become a PM. However, president Andris Bērziņš  refused to appoint him for some personal dislikes. So as its happens in Latvian politics when top political players refuse to take a front position a person from the back door is placed forward. Laimdota Straujuma for many years served as secretary at the Ministry of Agriculture and as non party member was issued for Minister of Agriculture by Vienotība. She was not a public person and had less attention from the media. Now from January 22 2014 she suddenly became the first woman in Latvian history to lead the government. It was a result of a long practice of salon politics in Latvia.

Laimdota Straujuma first said that she intends to lead the government until 2014 elections. When election campaign came she was placed forward as PM candidate to lead the government for next four years. A brave words since never in Latvian history there was a government that lasted full parliamentary therm. Likewise when she formed the government with three parties – Vienotība, Green Farmers Union and National Alliance (NA) many predicted that her government will not last long. However, there was a reason her government was politically stable during first half of 2015 – from January to June Latvia was a presiding state over the  Council of the European Union. It was first time Latvia had such an important task in EU and it was done without much problems and without major strides. Thankfully, for Straujuma the conflict in Ukraine had gone to stalemate and  there was not much of pressure from Russia as some expected.

The troubles for Straujuma started after the end of EU presidency. First major issue for Latvian government was the refugee crisis. The war in Middle East and North Africa had caused a sharp influx of refugees coming to EU countries. Greece, Malta, Cyprus and Italy could no longer sustain hundreds of thousands refugees who are stranded in refugee camps akin to to go more wealthier Germany, France of Sweden that would offer work, living place in education. To maintain this ongoing crisis the EU leadership made plan that all EU countries must settle a number of refugees. Latvia as many other Eastern European nations resisted assigning quotas, but agreed to host a fixed number of people. At first the number was 250 people, few months later the number rose to 534 people. The coalition party National Alliance begun stiff opposition and objected to hosting any refugees at all. A large anti-refugee protest supported by the NA was hosted near the governmental building, causing tensions among the government. At one moment the Green Farmers also started to object the government decision and   insisted on parliamentary vote. Then the President Raimonds Vējonis came forward with ultimatum to government to stop quarreling and make a joint decision. In the end despite NA continued protests Latvia will have to host above 500 refugees from Middle East and North Africa next year. With them Latvia already has its own problem of illegal immigrants coming from Russian and Belarusian border. The Vietnamese, Afghans and others. The challenge of the future government is how to properly host and integrate these newcomers strangers to our country.

Straujuma also managed to sell the Citadele bank to Ripplewood foreign investors despite controversy, scandals caused by eccentric Minister of Healthcare GuntisBelēvičs with his reform plans and problems with law and teacher strike caused my mismanagement by Minister of Education MārīteSeile.

The event that triggered her demise was emerging scandal over Latvian national airline Air Baltic. Air Baltic survived the economic crisis and still stands as the biggest airline in the Baltic States. However, it needed an investor and investment advisory company Prudentia recommended a shady German businessman an ex STASI agent Ralph Dieter Montag-Girmes who promised to invest 52 million Euros with government adding further 80 million. The investor has connections with Russian Aviation industry and the deal could involve the purchase of Sukhoi Superjet planes for Air Baltic fleet. At first the Minister of Transportation Anrijs Matīss denounced this proposal and broke agreement with Prudentia. Then at the last hours before governmental meeting over Air Baltic funding he placed forward this proposal ” as the best of the worst decisions”. In midnight November 4 government approved this decision.

Then in the morning Laimdota Straujuma fired Matīss “for failing to inform the government about the Air Baltic funding deal”. The deal was approved not just by Matīss but by whole Laimdota Straujuma government – in that moment she missed her rightful moment of admitting a mutual mistake and resign. However, the show started and lasted till December 7. Straujuma was defiant and supported by president, however criticized by Solvita Āboltiņa and some other members of Vienotība. On December 6 Vienotība held congress that some hoped would bring change to decaying party popularity and some statement would be issued over Straujuma governments future. No such thing happened and the congress turned out to be parody of boredom. Nothing was changed, no new statements. Straujuma was still defiant. Monday came and on 11:00 Laimdota Straujuma visited president Vējonis and announced of her resignation. A salon politics had again made their score.

What happened afterwards is turning in to major political malfunction. Solvita Āboltiņa who possibly played leading role in this coup is the best of the worst candidates for Prime Minister. She was not elected in last parliamentary elections and only entered parliament when his party member Jānis Junkurs who came above her in voting results immediately resigned from MP seat in favor of Āboltiņa. Āboltiņa disgraced herself when she walked past protesting pensioners and booed them. All the apologizes could not save her fading grace and despite that all she was placed forward as the Vienotība top PM. But, NA took a strict stance that they will not enter government formed by Āboltiņa. A small group of Vienotība members in parliament the so-called “liberal group” also stood against Āboltiņa. So if Āboltiņa does not came up with some clever combinations to force her opponents to accept her she will be unable to form a long-lasting government without NA and facing a possible party split up. Vienotība has been framed by Dzintars Zaķis election fraud scandal, had suffered from misdeeds of Āboltiņa and lost its many stronger members. Valdis Dombrovskis now works in EU government,   Artis Pabriks is in EU parliament. Veiko Spolītis a popular leading anti-Kremlin policy advocate was fired from the party for drunk driving incident. Vienotība ratings has come to rock bottom to 5%.

So that may lead to government lead by two more popular former coalition parties. Green Farmers and NA. While their party leaders refuse to stand up to PM candidacy they have their own candidates from the salon. Green Farmers may propose Māris Kučinskis a political veteran who was top leader of now defunct Peoples Party.  NA may came up with Roberts Zīle – another veteran from the nationalist right specter who now serves as MP in EU parliament. The chances of Green Party lead government would mean a rising prominence of mayor of Ventspils city Aivars Lembergs – a leader of the Green Farmers who is also accused  of state forgery and corruption on the highest levels. Its also means a greater influence of Latvia nationalist conservative right who has become ill famous for its purity laws, anti-refugee policy and corruption on justice sector. Aivars Lembergs has been known as the opponent of NATO and sympathizer of Vladimir Putin. NA while being anti-Kremlin on paper is known for sympathizing Kremlin conservative policies and being outright EU skeptic. A new populist anti EU government like one in Poland and Hungary is on the rise and its also up to our new president Raimonds Vējonis to choose if he wants such government. He was also member of the Green Farmers Alliance.

“Ok, I must take a drink first!” 

Those were the first words of newly elected president Raimonds Vējonis when he came to speak after being elected as the President of Latvia. These words were probably spoken in emotional reaction to his election after four exhausting voting runs by the parliament. Surely a leader of the Green Party would like a refreshing still water. But, such slack attitude became signature of the new president. He took part in Latvian version of “Saturday Night Live” where he drove a bobsleigh, he took part in basketball game and many other public activities. His predecessor Andris Bērziņš who became 70 years old last year in these therms was a sharp contrast. Andris Bērziņš who had become annoyance of his mindlessness,  lack of fast decision-making and bad English skills was forced to abstain from placing his candidacy for second therm. Raimonds Vējonis was a long running Minister of Environment and then unexpectedly became Minister of Defense. When war in Ukraine started he took a tough stance  on Russia, called the events in Ukraine as the “Russian aggression”, laid out the plans for increasing militarization and helped to increase the NATO presence in Latvia. He condemned Aivars Lembergs outlandish criticism of NATO presence in Latvia and as president still takes a tough stance in defense issues. Will Raimonds Vējonis will  be responsible enough to avoid a Russia leaning EU skeptic government to came to power next year? That will be first major responsibility of the new president.

Latvia – one of the most pro-Kremlin member of NATO and EU?

The above statement may sound provocative. Greece, Hungary, Czech Republic all have state leaders who had leaned towards Kremlin or praised the Putin’s policy. Latvian leaders always have spoken out their support towards NATO and EU and called for support for Ukraine and Georgia. But, if we move from words to actions we may see a surprising scene-  Latvian politics in many ways are very pro-Kremlin. And that posses a danger to our state and society. Lets see what are the main points of Latvian pro-Kremlin policy.

One of the leading themes of Kremlin anti-western propaganda is that western liberal democracies have corroded the family values, has institutionalized perversion and that has led to complete degradation of the European civilization. And there are supporters of this thesis among members of the Latvian government. This year Latvia held annual Europride that was met with rapid homophobia within Latvian social nets, but did not lead to any violent protests as in Ukraine at the same time. However, the conservative “family support groups” gained support of the pro-Kremlin party Harmony who made proposal for “purity teaching” in the Latvian schools. The proposal aimed for censorship of learning content to limit mentioning things like homosexuality, transsexualism, and instead pushed on promoting on heterosexual relationships as only preferred choice of life. Harmony the opposition party gained support from NA who also thinks that liberals in Europe and especially in Scandinavia are degrading family values. In Estonia a gay unions are allowed while Latvian constitution only defines marriage between man and woman. After a load discussions between “purity law” supporters and opponents the amendments that opened doors for censorship in education  and beyond. Latvian politics had fallen prey for Russian anti-western propaganda and it was supported by most Russophobic party. Currently there are many active organizations in the country that are promoting Kremlin family values that will seek to affect the state laws even more next year.

Latvian resistance to Russian propaganda was also weakened by the Latvian coalition parties. The legislators made amendments to  radio broadcasting laws that insisted that radio stations that has 50% of its content in Latvian must broadcast fully in the state language. There are many Russian language radio stations in Latvia, some of them like “Russia Hit Radio” that has frequency in Latvia and its tied to Kremlin propaganda was the target for this law. Radio station “Russia Hit Radio” owner Uģis Polis started to protest and gained support from Green Farmers MP Armands Krauze who introduced now amendment that raised the Latvian language cap to 51%, meaning Uģis Polis station would avoid the full move to Latvian language. Such changes only would prevent Russian radio stations from broadcasting in Latvian and continue to relay Kremlin propaganda. And again this was supported by leading NA politicians. President Vējonis turned down the changes and sent back for review, however after “minor” corrections the amendment was voted in again. And that came after many speeches promising to limit Kremlin propaganda. Not only that also the NA and other party members managed to fire the chairman of National Electronic Media Council Ainārs Dimants who was considered in informal conversations as too liberal and allowing “homosexual propaganda” in the state media.

Latvian politicians also like to speak of increasing the security and gain energy source independence from Russia. Lithuania in therms of energy independence has taken a huge steps. Lithuania and Estonia have vastly boosted their defense and security over the years. Latvia has only begun boosting the long neglected defense budget after March 2014. Latvian Armed forces have bought first armed vehicles in 25 years which were used before by British army. Latvia has managed to rebuild its only military airfield in Lielvārde so US jets may land there.  Latvian Interior Affairs Ministry has issued plans for fence among the completely unprotected Russian border. With 100 meter gap in every 1000 meters to sustain “animal migration”. Bears, wolves, illegal immigrants and Green men rejoice! Luckily after journalists discovered this the idea of animal migration holes were dropped. But, that just shows how shortsighted is the Latvian defense planing.

In terms of energy independence the Russian Gazprom again gained victory in Latvia. Despite EU directive to cancel gas monopoly in Latvia that belongs to Latvijas Gāze company, half of its stocks belonging to Russia Gazprom and importing the gas only from Russia still kept its sole position. Formerly Economics sector was led by Vienotība who delayed the liberalization of the gas market. When the Ministry of Economics were taken over by Daiga Reizniece- Ozola from the Green Party she finally begun steps to remove Latvijas Gāze monopoly. And the former chess champion met stiff resistance from Latvijas Gāze leadership and was outplayed. Latvijas Gāze new president was former Prime Minister Aigars Kalvītis. His right hand woman was former chief of state chancellery Elita Dreimane who before was leading documentation against the Latvijas Gāze now went renegade and used all her knowledge against the state. Latvijas Gāze recruited many other former politicians and former state employees. So the liberalization failed and Latvia will be still solely dependent on the Russian gas supplies.

  Lastly its the growing notion of anti-EU sentiment boosted by refugee phobia. The refugee issue caused a outburst of racism in Latvian society. Racism, homophobia and antisemitism has always been present in the society but this time it was boosted by Latvian politicians. The anti-refugee protests and marches supported by NA were dominated by openly racist slogans. While pro-refugee activists raised arguments that Latvians were once a refugees after Word War II and were granted refuge in Europe and America, their received response that since Latvia refugees where white that does not count as an argument. Refugee phobiac’s blamed EU for forcing Latvia to accept “blacks” while forgetting that Latvia is committed to EU not just EU to Latvia.  Echos of Kremlin propaganda was clearly visible as protesters blamed Latvian Foreign Minister Edgars Rinkēvičs open homosexuality for such pro-refugee policy. When Latvian public choose young Latvian singer Aminata for Eurovision song contest many complained that a black singer was sent to represent Latvia. After she gained highest results in five years there was disappointment that Latvia has no white singer to gain such results. Racism and homophobia was not created by Kremlin. Yet Putin’s Russia openly promotes racism and homophobia and its good it has not begun openly promoting antisemitism. If Latvian politics and society are choosing to support Kremlin values there is no need to relay on support on defense from Kremlin tanks. Its our own choice if we want to create insecurity or security for us and our children.

Challenges for 2016

The main challenge of 2016 is withstood ever-growing Kremlin influence. Eiroskeptick government influenced by oligarch accused of criminal charges is a danger to our country. Our inability and unwillingness to host and integrate a small number of refugees is also an obstacle to our security. The dangers from two terrorist supporting forces the Islamic State and Russia’s Kremlin will grew stronger in 2016. There is possibility that after cease of the Mensk (Minsk) agreements the war may again erupt in Ukraine. While Russia is bombing Syria, lets not forget Russia is merely testing its weapons and gadgets for conflict in Ukraine, Belarus and the Baltic States. The falling oil prices and rapid decline of the Russian economy may increase the possibility of Russian involvement in more military conflicts. As war is one of the ways to avoid domestic failure. Latvia must sustain itself in the face of this threats. Have truly liberal pro-EU and pro-NATO government. We must resist the rogue influence and strengthen our security. This is our responsibility to generations ahead. Will we celebrate 100 years of Latvia and will we celebrate 200 years that is decided by our actions right here and now.

In the end of this long post that I hope the readers have taken note of many of the issues and warnings written here, I wish everyone a happy and safe 2016. 2016 is the year of the Monkey. Smart and versatile creature, also very cunning and manipulative and we are heard of the monkey with grenade in his hand. Lets be smart and versatile and  cunning to defeat our foes. To talk with you again in 2016!


Tagged: Laimdota Straujuma, Latvia 2015, Latvian economy, Latvian political parties, Latvian Politics, refugee crisis, Russia

Salaspils Camp

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"Behind this gate the land cries" entrance in the Salaspils memorial

“Behind this gate the land cries” entrance in the Salaspils memorial

World War 2 was the most tragic event for the Latvian people. Thousands were killed and deported by two totalitarian regimes in short time span of five years. Latvia is full of mass killing sites that serves as memory for the times of terror. Since 1967 one of the most known symbols of the Nazi terror in Latvia was the Salaspils camp. Salaspils was the site of camp run by Nazi SS and Security police SD Salaspils camp was the site of thousands of prisoners including children with great number of causalities. On 1959 a decision was made to build a memorial dedicated to the victims of the camp. It was follow-up to the trend in memorial architecture to mark the sites of Nazi concentration camps started by Buchenwald memorial in Eastern Germany, later memorial in Majdanek Czechoslovakia and Auschwitz in Poland. The result was a large memorial ensemble of brutalist style sculpture and architectonic foundation. The memorial was 25 ha in width and emotionally powerful example of synthesis between architecture and sculpture. The authors were architects Gunārs Asaris, Ivars Strautmanis, Oļģerts Ostenbergs, Oļegs Zakamennijs and sculptors Oļegs Skarainis, Ļevs Bukovskis, Jānis Zariņš.

Since then the Salaspils camp became one of the most known symbols of the Nazi terror in Latvia. Soviet power however, made ideological fallacy by trying to compare the Salaspils camp to above mentioned Nazi camps in Germany and Eastern Europe. Soviet propaganda meanwhile ignored the mass killing sites of Jews and Roma’s and Mežaparks (Kaiservald) concentration camp that was exclusively made for Jews and contained larger number of inmates. Instead Soviet propaganda and official history overly focused on Salaspils camp creating exaggerations that has caused heated arguments between modern-day Latvian and Russian historians. The discussion was again brought to light after new joint research was published this January by Latvian historians that played down many of the Soviet exaggerations especially the number of victims and inmates and the fate of camps children prisoners. Here we take a look on the claims made by Soviet and Latvian historians about the camp in Salaspils.

During the Soviet occupation no major academic work on Salaspils camp was made. Instead it was mentioned in popular texts and newspapers and mentioned in general history publications. The camp was mentioned in Soviet newspapers already in November 30 1944 where it was claimed that Nazis collected blood from children prisoners for the German Red Cross. The newspaper called to avenge every blood of the Soviet children for the blood of the dirty Germans. It was in line of the Soviet war-time propaganda for vengeance against the German nation. But, the thesis of Salaspils as “Blood Factory” remained within Soviet publications for years to come. Many more newspaper articles described the horrors for children in the camp and claimed that Jewish children were used for firing range although no Jewish children were ever known to be there. On 1945 when the war was over the USSR Extraordinary Investigation Commission (EIC) started to gather evidence for the Nazi crimes within Latvia. It concluded that camp had 56 000 death prisoners within them 7000 children.  During the sixties and seventies the camp was now described as death camp. The publications claimed that camp also used gas trucks to murder the inmates. It was claimed that Nazi SS-Obersturmbannführer had visited the camp personally. The usual claimed death toll was 100 000 people including the affiliated camps in Latvia with 12 000 to 7000 children. 3500 liters of blood was taken from children. Soviets also added the Soviet prisoners of war to the list of civilian inmates as the Soviet propaganda avoided to mention the large numbers of Soviet POW’S. This trend was continued by Russian modern historians who repeat the Soviet interpretations. The latest attempts by Russian foundation “Historic Memory” was an exhibit “Deported childhood: The fates of deported children from Russia and Belarus to Latvia” that was called a disinformation by Latvian historians and authorities. Later the same foundation tried to do an exhibit in UNESCO headquarters in Paris, but the request was denied.

The Latvian historiography tends to question two main things: the actual number of inmates and victims and the classification of the Salaspils camp. Popular way of calling Salaspils camp is to label it as “concentration camp.” Soviet publications called it a “death camp”. According to German historian Gudrun Schwartz there are 17 categories of the German run camps during the WW2 starting from work labor camps to the death camp. Salaspils was camp where people were imprisoned, humiliated, forced to harsh labor and killed. All these actions took place almost in every of 17 categories of camps. The historian must take two turns of how to categorize the Salaspils camp. The emotionally subjective way of the documentary way based on German and Soviet documents. The emotionally subjective way most often leads to call Salaspils as concentration camp as large numbers of people were concentrated and imprisoned for various reasons; nationality, political affiliations and crimes against the Nazi laws. People in Salaspils died from violence, death sentences, hunger and diseases, however it was a never a death camp where people were killed in industrial manner for the very purpose of extermination. So calling a death camp is incorrect to very least. The Soviet Gulag camps often operated the same ways, but are not described as death camps. The death camp was camp where prisoners were killed right after their arrival namely six camps: Belzek, Sobibora, Treblinka, Helmno, Majdanek and Auschwitz-Birkenau. In Auschwitz the work able people were sent to concentration camp while others killed.

The documentary way is often criticized by supporters of emotional classification who accuse of following the Nazi paradigm. The official German name for the camp was “Extended police prison and work labor re education camp” On 2005 main Latvian historians published book called “Latvia 20th century” where this term was used. When Vaira Vīķe Freiberga the president of Latvia made visit to Moscow on May 9th and gave the Russian translation of the book to Vladimir Putin. It’s doubtful Putin ever read the book, but the Russian propaganda took out the official camp name as a proof that Latvia is “re-writing” history. The wave of anti-Latvian propaganda was followed by books and movies accusing Latvia of rehabilitating Nazi occupation.

The question what was Salaspils camp can be answered how the Germans viewed the camp themselves and what were their plans regarding and outcomes of their plans. The discussion for the camp building in Salaspils was started in 1941 when head of the Einsatzgruppe A SS-Brigadeführer Walter Stahlecker raised the issue of overcrowding of prisoners and recommended to build a concentration camp to sort out work able prisoners. The camp would be under direction of Security Police SD. He was granted build such camp on August 4 1941. Month later the Reich Chief Authority sent note that its unacceptable by all means that SD maintains concentration camps and if the camp is made they are to be called extended police prisons  and under jurisdiction of directive issued by SS reichsführer Heinrich Himmler about police prisons and work labor re-education camps.

Local German authorities continued to ask for rights to build a concentration camp and added an argument that camp was needed to host the Jews for they cannot be kept in the Riga Ghetto forever. But requests were written in eased out form calling the desired object as “extended police prison similar to concentration camp” A specialist from Germany was requested to lead the camp building.

On October 11 1941 Stahlecker asked the General Commissioner of Latvia Otto-Heinrich Drechsler to gather large amount construction supplies for concentration camp in between Riga, Jelgava and Tukums for Jews exiled from Germany and occupied Poland. 10 days later the camp site was moved to the site near Riga-Daugavpils railway and was no longer called a concentration camp. As of November 30 the first Rumbula massacre took place taking lives of hundreds of thousands lives of Jews of Riga Ghetto the camp was no longer required for them. Last surviving Jews were taken to Mežaparks (Kaiserwald) camp in Riga that was officially called by Germans as concentration camp by the order of Heinrich Himmler on June 21 1943. Salaspils camp in the process of its existence was never officially called a concentration camp. The classification was important for Germans as it would determine the authority it would subordinated to and laws regarding it. The SD did not want to lose its authority and the Himmler’s requirements to change it to concentration camp were not met. Instead The Chief Authority of the Reich Security issued note to SS court that Salaspils is not a concentration camp but extended police prison with added SD labor re-education camp.

The second main question is the number of victims and inmates. The first victims of the camp were Jews from Germany and Austria who were sent to take part in the camp building. As no expert from Germany was sent the building and design was directed by local Latvians Jānis Irbe the chief of the Riga second building office and technical chief Frīdrihs Mednis. At first the work force was hired locals and Soviet POW’S who were held captive at Stalag 350 POW camp nearby. As of early 1942 the most workforces was now Jews from Germany, Austria and occupied Poland. 1000 Jews were involved in the building on January 5 1942. The harsh winter, rough labor, small food rations and illness lead to constant deaths of the forced labor. 10-12 people may have died within the day. As the ground was frozen it was hard to dig graves and bodies were kept behind barracks to await ground blowouts to bury them. Jews died from harsh punishments, many were killed on spot. The punishments were made for not working, stealing, trying to escape and speculation. People were shot or hanged. The amount of dead Jewish workers it’s not clearly known. The estimates call 1500-1800 Jews to be involved in the camp building and 1000 of them dead from various causes including death punishment.

Salaspils camp drawing by former inmate Kārlis Bušs

Salaspils camp drawing by former inmate Kārlis Bušs

After the main building works were finished the Jews were transported away to Riga Ghetto and new inmates of various categories were sent to camp. Small numbers of Jews for “special reasons” were kept in the camp. They were possibly Jews from Great Britain, Czechoslovakia, and Austria. Jews also were stationed in camp temporally in transit. 100 or Jews may have died in the camp. But the camp was mainly built for non-Jewish persons.

One of them was work truants as Nazi occupation took many steps to combat work truancy and dawdling. Also speculates, thieves, tax avoiders and illegal alcohol producers. These people were sent to camp. 1800 of them were imprisoned at Salaspils. Salaspils also hosted political prisoner’s mostly Soviet activists who also took part in building process. Also members from the Latvian nationalist movement that opposed the Nazis. Members of the Polish nationalist resistance movement were also present. Nationalist Latvian inmates were mostly spared from harsh works by Nazi authority and guards looked at them with ease. Some of them were freed or sent to Latvian Waffen SS Legion. Latvian collaborators within occupation authorities often tried to help their compatriots and German Nazis saw Latvian nationalists as lesser evil. For a short time the leading members of the Latvian Central Council the main anti-Nazi movement in Latvia were stationed in Salaspils and then sent to camps in Germany. More than 100 Latvian national resistance movement members were present in Salaspils. Most women prisoners were political activists either Soviet activists or nationalists. Women were kept in separate barracks and camp guards forbidden men to have contacts with women and severely punished them when such contacts were made. There were woman who gave birth to children in the camp and were forced to live in harsh environment. Before camp liquidation the many women were sent France or Germany, some released under police watch.

Salaspils camp was also prison for sentenced members of the Latvian Waffen SS and Police battalions. These were soldiers who broke the rules. disobeyed orders or tried to desert. Also for avoiding military service. Some reports say that Norwegians, Dutch, Poles, Finns, Danes and even two French from Alsace were in the camp that were sent there for military offenses. On May 1944 the Lithuanian general Povils Plehavičus with his staff was sent to Salaspils. Plehavičus and his supporters were forming Lithuanian Local Brigade to resist the return of the Soviets and was seen as attempt to restore Lithuanian army by the Germans. Pļehavičus who was anti-communist complained that he is in the sane camp with many sentenced for supporting communism and demanded transfer threatening hunger strike.  They were released few months later. While most Latvian and Lithuanian soldiers were given second chance the life in the camp for Soviets POW’s was harsher. Soviet sources say that 47 000 soviet POW’S died at Salaspils without stating how they got that number. On 1942 in Latvia there was 59 805 POW’S and by October 43 0060 as many were sent to Germany. Salaspils camp contained only 10% of the Soviet POW’S of the Stalag-350 POW camp system. So it was nearly impossible to kill so many people at Salaspils camp. However, it’s confirmed that 500 disable Soviet soldiers unable to move themselves were killed at the time of the camp evacuation.

Salaspils served also as transit camp. As from 1943 German army was in retreat in the Eastern front the Nazis tried to sort out refugees and people useful for work. The refugees from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus were sent to filtration camps. In Latvia they were settled in Daugavpils, Rēzekne, and Strenči and Salaspils was suggested but then ruled out. However, there was individual case in 1944 when refugees from Belarus were filtrated in Salaspils. On 1943 there was 43 000 evacuated Russians on 1944 152 576. However, Salaspils was mainly a transit camp for captured civilians from Russia and Belarus who were intended by SD to be taken away to Germany.

On 1943 Germans issued operation to combat Soviet partisan movement in Belarus. The order was to destroy the villages around partisan infested zones and deport civilians away from them. The Operation  Winter Magic (Operation Winterzauber) took place from February 15 to early April. Near Latvian-Belarusian border the area was controlled by partisans and order was to clear the 40 km wide zone clear of civilian population supporting the partisans. 7465 people were held captive and then sent to Salaspils for filtration. The work able would be sent to Germany. Not all of them were sent as large numbers of weak and old were shot on the march to Salaspils. In two rounds about 4000 people entered Salaspils. Since the whole families were deported the children were within the prisoners. In February 1943 1100 children entered Salaspils. On second transport 1000 children were sent. Children were often separated from their families sent to nurseries or rural works. Camp authorities tried to sort out and disinfect the captives as fast as possible to send them further so never in camp history all the captives were in camp in one place.

Another anti-partisan operation Winter Journey took place in Latvian eastern region of Latgale to punish and deport the supporters of partisans. 3284 people were taken captive, 985 men, 1285 women and 1041 children. As before children were separated sent to relatives or unknown people.

The main cause of death in most cases around the inmates was diseases and starvation. The living environment was insanitary, food rations were low and work conditions were brutal. People died from typhus that was brought in by captives from Operation Winter Magic. The medical branch of camp was tasked to disinfect, remove louses as fast as possible and process was carried brutally. Children often caught dysentery, measles and other sickness. There was no medication so every sickness was a danger. Typhus epidemic killed more than 100 people. Documentary sources state that 700 people died from malnutrition.

Children in the camp were treated harshly. They were sent to quarantine collectively and treated with brutality. Then the most precarious moment was the separation from their parents. Parents were given only one minute to say goodbye to their children. Many children saw their parents for the last time. The Nazi propaganda made film shots of camp doctors disinfecting the children while barrack guards made children to dance and play music for their amusement.  When children barrack was hit by diarrhea the children went to barrack guards to dance and sing to get diarrhea pills. About 3000 children were in the camps at various times. Many hundreds died from starvation and epidemics and bad treatment. However, after few months of captivity they were sent to nurseries or adopted. The terrible living conditions and treatment separation from family is highest crime against these children. However, there is no sources that confirm the Soviet allegations of mass killings of children and blood removal in large numbers. Soviet investigation placed a lot of effort to investigate the fates of the children in the camp. Soviet reports concluded 7000 children died in the camp and based on testimonies of 33 people there was regular blood taking procedure imposed on captive children. Most of these testimonies  contained many numbers of overall captives, but contained no explanations of how the witnesses knew these facts. Some testimonies contained nearly impossible facts that do not correspond to logic and reality. The Soviet documents contain no information how the investigation committee came to their conclusions and number of causalities and inmates.  The accusations on deliberate blood collection from children were often based on rumors and suspicion from witnesses whose blood was not collected. Many interrogated sanitarians denied the fact there was widespread blood collection from children. Also there are not confirmations of the accusations of children poisoning and experimenting. The story about 3500 liters of blood taken from children for the German Red Cross is probably based on rumors, false stories and errors in investigation. There was no logical reason for mass blood collecting without determining the blood type that would make blood transfer out of question. On 1943 because of issues the German medical authority canceled the use of blood doses in the Eastern Front instead preferring direct transfer. Also the blood transport to Western front from Latvia would be costly and unreliable process.  Blood collecting took place, but not in large-scale and mostly for medical reasons as doctors tried to limit the spread of diseases that would endanger not only children but also adult workers.

Most deaths were in the camp were caused by famine and diseases. However, many died from repeated brutal punishments. People were punished for not working, speculation, gambling and other disobeying orders. Death penalties were issued for trying or planning to escape or planning an uprising. There were few events hangings in front of other inmates. 19 people were killed or injured during escape attempts. There were few mass killings such as at the end of 1943 when 30-35 people from Riga were brought in shot by the SD firing squad. 16 prisoners who were brought in from Rēzekne and Daugavpils prison were shot because they were sick with typhus. There are no viable sources that proof the claim that there were gas chambers in the camp.

The end of the mass sufferings of the Daugavpils camp came to September 29 1944 when because of approaching Soviets the camp was liquidated. By then the camp had already very small number of prisoners and it had suffered a Soviet air strike destroying one of the barracks. Before the liquidation many inmates were released but disabled inmates were shot. Last inmates left the camp on September 29 1944. Camp was burned down before the Soviets could capture it.

Salaspils was camp of suffering and horror and until this day there are still many unanswered questions and discussions about the number of inmates and number of people killed there. The latest research published this year concludes that from 1942 to 1944 the camp had 21 855-23 035 prisoners 11 735 of them were transit prisoners being here for a limited time. 400-500 people died from starvation. 100-150 died from harsh work environment. Four people were hanged. 19 people were shot during escape attempts. 6 were shot after being caught trying to escape. 31 were killed for planning uprising. 80 disabled people were murdered. 11 735 people including children who were sent to Salaspils from Belarus or Latgale died from various causes. 500 Soviet disabled POW’S were executed. The total of 1952 people died in the Salaspils camp.

The research shows that Soviet estimates of number of casualties were greatly exaggerated. Soviet post war investigation although valuable, holds within many inaccuracies, deliberate exaggerations for ideological reasons. Russian media has already condemned these research results as re-writing of history and turning into Salaspils “death camp” into “resort”. However, the lesser number of victims than thought before does not make the camp less horrifying.  It was nevertheless a horrid place ruining people’s lives and comparing to its actual size of inmates it had a very high dead toll. This is not “re-writing” of history as these facts by no means justify the Nazi crimes. Instead these facts make the accusations more concrete against the Nazi regime and downplay the revisionist claims of exaggeration of the Nazi crimes. Today Latvian historians are making the Latvian history more concrete and fact based contrary to Russia where there is actual re writing of history trying to hide the Stalinist crimes.  Let us remember and commemorate the victims of the Salaspils camp and let their fates known in the history.

Sculptures at the Salaspils memorial

Sculptures at the Salaspils memorial

Selected Sources: 

Kangeris, Kārlis, Neiburgs Uldis, Vīksne Rudīte. Aiz šiem vārtiem vaid zeme. Salaspils nometne 1941.-1944. Rīga. Lauku Avīze.2016.

Strautmanis, I, Asaris, G. Padomju Latvijas memoriālie ansambļi. Rīga. Zinātne. 1986.


Tagged: Holocaust, Nazi Concentration camps, Nazi Crimes, Nazi occupation, Salaspils camp, World War 2

Paul Schiemann 1876-1944

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schieman

There are people whose legacy has outlived their lives and whose actions and deeds were praised many decades after their deaths. During their lifetimes however, they were viewed with controversy, they had many critics and enemies and so as they friends and allies. However, only many decades later their legacy has been fully understood and they are again placed into spotlights. One of them is Paul Schiemann – jurist, journalist and political leader of the Baltic Germans. During his lifetime his liberal policies, support for independence for the Baltic States and campaigning for national minority rights were supported by some and opposed by many. He never scored mutual support among all Baltic Germans. He was a man of principle, a man with high sense of justice that caused him to lose the support of his fellow nationals and was forced to go into obscurity. At the end of his life he did the most humane act of his life – rescued a Jewish woman from the Nazis and was recognized as the Righteous among Nations. Because of memoirs left by his rescued Valentīna Freimane and historical research done by British historian John Hidden (1940-2012) the legacy of Paul Schieman one of the strongest voices for liberalism and minority rights protection has again been remembered and has scored his place in Latvian history.

Paul Schiemann was born in Jelgava (Mittau) on March 17 1876 in Baltic German family. His father Julius Schiemann was a jurist, known for his liberal views and who was against the majority of nobility in courts and state authorities. He was citizen of Russian Empire, but still considered himself a German patriot. However, the Russian government from 1870 started multiple reforms to weaken the Baltic German autonomy within the Baltic States. The new Russian emperor Alexander III started Russification policy and imposed Russian language as the primary language in high schools. The new laws also prevented the Baltic Knighthoods to nominate and dismiss court and police employees. Russian policy was to weaken the German power in Baltic province and impose more direct rule from St. Petersburg. Germans held their autonomy in education very dearly and were shaken by the flash of Russian nationalistic reforms directed against them. These reforms also affected the Latvian education.

Paul Schiemann because of these reforms took “underground” private lessons in Schiemann house in German only opposing Russifacation. In the end Schiemann and his elder brother Oskar went to Germany to get proper education. Here Schiemann finished school and choose further studies in jurisdiction. On 1896 he was drafted by the Russian army and sent to Caucasus. On 1898 in Lithuania he became the reserve officer of Russian army. On 1902 he graduated doctor’s studies in Greifswald. During his studies he enjoyed literature, philosophy and became passionate in theater. In Germany he was supported by his Uncle Theodor Schiemann a conservative historian who emigrated from Russia and worked in German Foreign Ministry.

Schiemann was bohemian who could smoke and drink to early morning hours and then show up for work as usual. He became involved in theater and even had affair with famous actress Hertta Weeren. Despite all this he graduated the doctor’s studies with highest excellence and applied for German citizenship. He was turned down for being Russian reserve officer. As foreigner he could not become a lawyer in Germany and therefore started carrier in journalism. Schiemann considered that journalism is the same fight for justice as in jurisdiction. His uncle Theodor considered his liberal views as illness wanted him to become an official German news editor in Japan. Because of this Schiemann took freelance job in newspaper in Norddeutsche Allegmeine Zeitung and took English lessons. But, he was turned down as the Russian relations with Japan were heading towards war. Schiemann’s Russian reserve officer was doing more harm than good.

After this failure Schiemann returned to Baltics and moved to Dorpat (Tartu) and discovered that according to Russian laws he needs more years in courses to gain lawyers rights. Instead he took job in journal Baltiche Monatsschrift and became a theater critic in Nordlivandiche Zeitung. After breakup with his lover Hertta he moved to work in Reval (Tallinn). There at local German newspaper he became the theater critic. On 1905 the revolution started in St. Petersburg and spread to Baltic provinces. Schiemann stood against the enemies of the Baltic Germans the social democrats that encouraged country side people to attack the mansions of the Baltic German nobles. He criticized the Russian government that their 17th October manifesto that proposed new parliament (Duma) as it did not weaken the violence and influence of the far right. In last months of 1905 the riots moved to country side. German noble mansions were burned, cities taken by armed mob. In response a punishment expeditions were sent by Russia and ended the revolution in bloodshed.  Despite that Schiemann called to use new rights to form parties and joined the Estonian Constitutional Party as secretary. It was sister party to Baltic Constitutional Party. Party was moderately liberal and tried to appease all social classes. 180 000 Baltic Germans lived in Reval so party needed also support from ethnic Estonians who considered the party as reactionary German movement and none of the Baltic Germans were elected into Russia Duma. On 1906 Schiemann started working in the Provincial Council that was made of representatives of nobility, farmers and city dwellers. However, the council had no effect on decisions within Baltic provinces and on 1907 the Russian Prime Minister Stolypin dismissed the second Russian Duma.

The Baltic Constitutional Party official newspaper was Rigache Rundschau based in Riga. The publisher Richard Ruetz asked Schiemann to join the editor team and Schiemann came to Riga. A cosmopolitan city filled with Latvians, Germans, Russians, and Jews and was politically diverse. Schiemann observed the growing national tensions between Germans and Latvians and he considered that only thing that can unite the both sides is equality in political and social rights. He was also started to oppose the conservative German forces that called for protection of the rights of nobility and was against the Latvian national movement. Soon he gained enemies from Baltic German reactionaries, was dismayed on their press as “red”. Opposition led to his worry of his publishers and his publications were reviewed. However, it was his strong worded articles that made the run of the Rigache Rundschau from 6 000 to 20 000 from the time period of 1907 to 1914. On 1907 he became the chief editor.

On February 2 1914 he married Charlotte Shuler and was well known in Riga and beyond, had many critics among the conservatives and he tried to gain some Latvian friends in his plight to unite both nations in the name of democracy. All this was interrupted when Russia entered war with Germany on 1914. Schiemann was Russian reserve officer and as it hard it was for him to fight against his German brothers his principle that “war can be opposed only in the time of peace”. He joined the Russian army, while his brother Oskar served the German. He was wounded during fighting while his newspaper was taken over by state authorities following anti-German campaign. On 1915 Lithuania and Courland and Semigallia was occupied by Germans and many of the local Germans and within Germany called for annexation of the Baltics. Schiemann although saddened by the anti-German campaign was still loyal to Tzar. Following the February revolution Schiemann joined the new Baltic German Democratic party. On December 3 1917 the German army marched in Riga and the party was banned. Schieman moved away from Riga and again joined the Russian army. After the bolshevik coup in St. Petersburg Schiemann felt grave danger and left Russia on March 1918 and made to his wife in Riga. The experiences of war made Schiemann strongly against both radical nationalism and bolshevism.

The Brest-Litovsk peace agreement on March 1918 included call for all German occupied Baltic territories to decide their future on the will of the people. However, German authorities suppressed the Lithuanian and Estonian governments who had declared independence. Meanwhile conservative Baltic German landtag sent letter to Berlin on April 12 1918 with plea to German Kaiser to unite Baltic province under single Baltic State that would serve as German protectorate in union with Prussian crown. The plea gained widespread opposition within German Reichstag who wanted to weaken the Kaisers power and feared such move would endanger peace with Soviet Russia. Schiemann who arrived in Riga on March was against the Baltic State was arrested by occupation authorities as a pro-Latvian spy. He was placed in house arrest until in August he moved to Germany.

Gaining financial support from his friends in Germany and his new book “The Fiasco of the Russian Democracy” he came to Berlin and started to acquire a net of supporters for liberal ideas. Schiemann supported the Baltic independence from Russia and insisted that fate of these countries lays on the will of the local majority. Meanwhile he warned about the rise of the Latvian Social Democratic workers party that would only lead to bolshevism. The enemies of Schiemann were alarmed by his influence in Germany, his uncle Theodore was also against his ideas. However, on November 11 1918 war came to an end with revolution in Berlin and ceasefire on the Western Front. The Baltic German conservatives could no longer hope for their Baltic State instead on November 18 1918 Latvia declared its independence. As the new Republic promised equal rights for all nations in Latvia Schiemann was in full support of the new state.

Schiemann moved to Latvia and joined the democratic German forces and worked together with the new Provisional Government led by Kārlis Ulmanis. Soviet Russia had declared war on Germany again and was preparing to invade Baltic States. Latvians were forced to accept that German army and Landeswehr the Baltic German land guard stays in Latvia and fights with them against the Bolsheviks. The new Baltic German National Committee hoped to gain privileges for Germans from the new Latvian state and opposed the Bolsheviks.  Their demands for national parity with Latvians were declined by the Latvian Provisional government. That led to conspiracy by German reactionaries and General Rüdiger von der Goltz against the Latvian government. On April 16 the baron Hans von Manteuffel and Goltz Iron Brigade made a coup against the Ulmanis government, but failed to arrest it. The new pro-German government led by Pastor Andrievs Niedra was not supported by French and British who helped Ulmanis government to escape on ship Saratov. Most Latvians were against Niedra and Goltz. On May 22 Germans chased the Bolsheviks away from Riga who had occupied since January 1919. On June 22-23 the tides of war moved against German reactionaries as Estonian and Latvian forces defeated the Iron Division and Landeswhehr and forced to sign ceasefire and give up the Niedra government.

Schiemann returned to Latvian politics formed union with moderate conservative baron Wilhelm von Firkss who became the leader of the National Committee. With his efforts and allied pressure Ulmanis government included two Baltic German ministers in his government Edwin Magnus as Justice and Robert Erhart as minister of Finance. Firkss founded his own conservative Baltic German Peoples Party. Baffled by many liberals he chooses to co-operate with conservatives while still trying to achieve common ground with Latvians. Schieman wanted Baltic Germans to be united to gain as much as they can from the new Latvian state, but by democratic means. He again became the chief editor of the restored newspaper Rigache Rundschau that became the main Baltic German newspaper in Latvia and his newspaper was read also by Latvians and his voice was heard and his views were always known. He became leader of the re-founded Baltic German Democratic Party.

One of his first achievements was influencing the new State Education Law. Karl Keller was appointed as deputy for Minister of Education and he and his team influenced by Schiemann made important proposals to gain school autonomy for national minorities. The new law was accepted on December 8 1919 and created autonomous school authority within Ministry of Education for German, Russian, Jewish, Polish and Belarusian schools. Germans were assured now that Latvians will not harm their education as it was done by Russians in the past. That eased the German relations with Latvian state.

Latvia survived the attack from the West Russian Voluntary Army that was made from German Freikorps and White Russian forces looking to destroy independent Latvia once and for all. Frikss managed to persuade Landeswehr from joining the war against Latvia while Schiemann campaigned for Baltic German support for Latvia during the critical days of war.  When the war was over the new elections were called for Constitutional Assembly. The election law allowed only political parties to enter elections and the Baltic German National Committee was abolished. Three new Baltic German parties emerged: moderately centrist right wing Baltic German reform party, conservative Baltic German party lead by Frikss and Liepāja City Unity party.  Schiemann undertook efforts to unite all parties under common Baltic German list for better results in the elections.

His efforts were successful creating the German Party Committee and in every election until 1931 the Baltic Germans gained more seats than they share of national population could allow. No other national minority except Poles could achieve such unity. Russians making 10% of the population had division between Old Believers, Conservatives and the Liberals. Large percent of Russian rural population living in Eastern regions were illiterate and therefore politically inactive. Jews making 4% of the Latvian citizens had division between Zionists and Orthodox Jews, while Zionists had their own left and right wing division. They also spoke different languages, Russian, German and Yiddish and often could not find common ground. Poles 2% of the population had one central party and support from the Poland, but during the 1931 conflict with Latvian government their split up in two rival factions. Germans were 3% of the population and their common goal was to preserve their national rights and keep their presence within Latvian politics and economy.

However, it proved to be tough and often un-successful battle. Schiemann was first elected into Riga Town Council and then moved to Constitutional Assembly. The main tasks of the Assembly were to write new constitution (Satversme) and realize Agrarian reform. The reform involved in confiscating large plots of land from German noble families. For centuries the majority of the rural land was owned by German nobles. Latvians at first were subjected to them, when serfdom was abolished they had to either rent or buy small plots of land from them. The new reform wanted to expropriate their land without compensation. For many of the noble families such reform would be disaster. Frikss and Schiemann proposed to nobles to give their land voluntary in return for compensation. Their proposal was turned down and all they gained was that land owners could at least keep 50 hectares of land and delay the question of compensations. Latvian Social Democrats left the parliament room in protest, but the Baltic German fraction voted for Agrarian reform. Many of the German conservatives felt betrayed by Schiemann. He himself understood the needs for reform, but saw it as weapon for aggressive chauvinism.

Kārlis Ulmanis compromise with national minorities led to his government downfall and new one by Zigfrīds Anna Meierovics that based on more nationalistic premises was not supported by minority parties. Schiemann also went on tour to Germany to convince Baltic German émigrés that resistance against internationally recognized Latvia is pointless and combated the propaganda spread by exiled reactionaries. In his tour to Germany and Austria he joined discussions for common national minority rights amongst the League of Nations. He made proposals for the new constitution and two of them to guarantee free usage of the minority languages and guarantee to create autonomous associations for cultural proposes were accepted in the constitution. However, the legislators failed to vote for second part of the constitution that was focused on civil rights and determined equal rights for man and woman, freedom of press and political rights and also defined national autonomy. Therefore national minorities were cut short of promises to ensure their protection of rights and  state refused to define their rights in detail as they had promised when it joined the League of Nations. Schiemann was disappointed and called the constitution half-baked. His efforts from now on were only not to defend the rights of Germans but all national minorities of Latvia and beyond.

On 1922 the new Latvian parliament Saeima was elected. Schiemann along with Frikss, Karl Keller, Egon Knopp, John Karl Hahn and Manfred von Vegezack were first elected Germans. The parliament was in deep division between right wing parties, left wingers, regionals and minority parties. Schiemann was elected in all following elections in 1925, 1928 and 1931. He took active part in parliamentary work and legislation. He a lot of time protecting the minority schools as many parties of the Latvian right wanted to limit school autonomy. He did not manage to win battle against the Latvian parties for the main churches in Riga. The Catholic St Jacobs cathedral was the first to be overtaken by the Latvian Catholic clergy, and tough campaigns for Lutheran Dome Cathedral and St. Peters church followed resulting in referendums. On 1924 Social Democrats finally achieved that no compensations should go to nobles with confiscated lands.

The nationalistic Latvian forces saw Schiemann as one of their main adversaries, while conservative Germans were opposed to Schiemann’s liberal policies that they called appeasing Latvian chauvinists. He was forced to be in regular power balance struggle to keep his ruling position within German Party Committee and his editor seat of the Rigache Rundschau. The Latvian governments were unstable and Schiemann had to choose which new coalition to support or not. On 1927 he was even asked to form the government but as he understood he would not receive enough support he refused the offer.

Latvian cartoon about Paul Schiemann and his German Party list. From Svari 1928.

Latvian cartoon about Paul Schiemann and his German Party list. From Svari 1928.

One of the main failures faced by all minority parties was failure to create laws for national autonomy. In Lithuania and Estonia such laws were made. While in Latvia one of the main reasons for failure was that each minority made their own autonomy proposals. The national autonomy proposals not only included cultural autonomy, but also permitted own national councils and use of minority language in state affairs. None of the proposals from all sides ever came to voting floor. In defense of Latvian parties one must state that some of these proposals were too radical and would mean “state in state” situation that was undesirable. On 1925 Schiemann joined the First Congress of Organised Ethnical Minorities (Nationalities) in European Countries in Geneva as and served as its Vice President from 1929 to 1936. Congress goal was to form a link between the ethnical minorities of Europe. And to afford their responsible heads an opportunity of regularly exchanging views and constantly co-operating for the purpose of throwing light upon, and solving the problem of, nationalities in order to eradicate the principal cause of European wars. Schiemann’s views became more internationally known. During his time in the congress he developed many new theories about the defense of the national minorities and liberal democracy. Many of his ideas came to realization many decades later. For a brief period when Germany was influenced by powerful liberal politician Gustav Streseman the Foreign minister with his special  focus on Eastern European countries and policy towards national minority as similar to Schiemann, there was hope for democratic and liberal Europe. Streseman met Schieman many times and supported his ideas for national cultural autonomy in Europe. Streseman died on 1929 on early age and since then the situation begun to deteriorate for Schieman and national minorities.

The 1929 financial crisis took one of the strongest hits on Germany and created a outburst of protest and resentment towards moderate and liberal policy creating opportunities for National Socialists. The rise of nationalism was eminent in Latvia too and was present in both Latvians and Baltic Germans. In this crucial time Schieman fell ill with tuberculosis. His constant smoking habits made him to move to rehab in Davos, Switzerland. There in 1930 he learned of first major Adolf Hitler party victory in the German elections. During this time the famous French politician Aristide Briand who came forward with his plans for European economic and political union. Schiemann was against any union that would exclude Baltic States and was skeptical of such union if it would be based on old 1914 principles.

Meanwhile the Baltic German parties in Latvia became more conservative and influenced by events in Germany. This was also a reaction to rise of Latvian nationalists who called for “latvianization” of economy and education. On 1931 first Baltic German Nazi organization Ostgruppe started activity in Latvia. While Schieman was in Davos many of his colleagues became found of the Nazi ideas, read their newspapers and made contacts with them. Schieman from his rehab reacted by sending strong worded statements to his newspaper  Rigache Rundschau increasing conflict with Nazi sympathizers.

Meanwhile the economic crisis deepened in Latvia and Latvian nationalistic parties started campaign to expropriate Dome cathedral from German Lutherans. Ailing Schieman was forced to gives his MP seat to V Sadowsky who next behind him in his party list because he could not take part in the vote for the church. The campaign created a wave of anti-German sentiment and alienated German fraction from the Latvian government. In the end on 1931 despite failed referendums the Dome Cathedral was removed from German Lutheran parish and they could only rent the church.

On 1931 last parliamentary elections took place in Latvia. Schieman returned to Riga, and Germans scored six seats as usual. However, the new nationalistic coalition led by ex moderate social democrat Marģers Skujenieks created more doubt and was not supported by Schieman. On 1927-1928 Marģers Skujenieks was Prime Minister of left wing coalition that was in good relations with Schiemann and achieved trade agreement with Soviet Union.  Now one of the new Skujenieks government ministers of education Atis Ķeniņš started an offensive against minority schools. Atis Ķenins wanted to make Latvian language as official state language as until now the status of Latvian language as official was more de facto than de iuire. He also wanted to increase the use of Latvian within minority schools and called Latvia a “Eldorado” for minorities. After the collapse of Skujenieks government many of his ideas were not realized, but growing tension only increased Baltic German support for Nazi ideas. Instead of using liberal ideas against nationalism and chauvinism as Schiemann did many turned to use same weapons against their adversaries. Also many Baltic Germans scared by the rise of Latvian nationalism believed that strong and unified Nazi Germany would come and protect them. Sciemann was strongly for creation of un-national state – the state with no dominating nation that focuses on cultural and national equality in all matters of the society. For years he fought his efforts, but as of 1933 it seemed his hopes of such states would never be realized.

On 1933 Adolf Hitler took power in Germany. Rigache Rundschau was also co-financed by Germany and question was raised should this newspaper be led by openly anti-Nazi editor? As pressure grew the Sciemann’s health begun to weaken again and he was forced to go to rehabilitation to Austria. The Baltic German parties became penetrated by local Baltic German Erhard Kroeger and his Movement (Die Bewegung) that was supported and financed by Berlin. On 1933 Wilhelm von Frikss one of the main leaders of the Baltic Germans died and Schiemann lost a valuable ally. Schiemann left the editors post of his beloved newspaper and also left the German fraction in the parliament and lost his leading role in Baltic German politics. The 1933 was endgame for Schieman. On May 15 1934 Kārlis Ulmanis and his supporters took power by coup and created a personal dictatorship. All parties were banned and that meant even greater Nazi influence on Baltic Germans as now National Socialism was seen as resistance against Ulmanis dictatorship.

Paul Schieman could no longer live in Latvia and immigrated to Austria that was still democratic but also influenced by Nazis. Schieman was alarmed by persecution of Jews in Germany and was saddened by the breakup of the Congress of Organised Ethnical Minorities. In Austria he continued journalism and followed events in Europe and Latvia with deep concerns. On March 1938 Austria was invaded annexed by Nazi Germany. Paul Schieman was on the Nazi dossier as potentially dangerous liberal activist and Schieman had to return to Latvia where lived in political isolation. He was isolated both by the state and his Baltic Germans who were convinced that Hitler would come to liberate them.

On August 23 1939 Molotov-Ribbentrop pact shocked them all. Hitler in exchange for one front war on Poland made agreement with Stalin. Latvia was assigned to Soviet Union as its sphere of interest. On September 25 1939 in Soppot SS Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler informed the leader of the Baltic German Nazis Erhard Kroeger about the secret protocols and shocked Kroeger begged not to leave Baltic Germans behind in case of Soviet invasion. Himmler was surprised by such concern and promised to speak to Hitler about it.  On October 6 1939 Hitler decided that he needs Baltic Germans for colonization of the recently conquered Polish lands and also wanted to keep them away from Soviet repressions. The repatriation came as surprise to everyone including Schieman who resisted this. Schiemann’s protests were heard by Swiss and Swedish press he was against that Germans leave their country behind making great economical problems caused by their departure and move to country with imposed ideology alien to our religion and sense of morality. Meanwhile majority called “that that who stays it’s not real German!” Schiemann called repatriation a death sentence to Baltic German culture. But, only few listened to him. Latvian government endorsed the repatriation and official press celebrated the event. In just few months the most historic national minority in Latvia with strong cultural roots became extinct. Majority of the Baltic Germans were sent to occupied Poland. Schieman could not he stayed in Latvia doomed for soviet occupation.

Schiemann was opposed to Communism as much to Nazism. Latvia was occupied by Soviet forces on June 17 1940. Kārlis Ulmanis decided not to resist and was removed from his presidential seat and replaced by Soviet agent Dr. Augusts Kirhenšteins. New “elections” were issued and Schiemann even wrote a letter to Kirhenšteins to inquire his intentions and future of Latvia. He was recommended to join democratic list by led Atis Ķeniņš, but he refused to add a German candidate. And better off as soon the democratic list was declared illegal and all the candidates arrested. A single list was elected with 96% results issued by Moscow before votes were finished counting. As Soviet Union was still in good relations with Nazi Germany Schiemann was spared for a while. First who were repressed were Latvian politicians and intellectuals. Schiemann unable to work as journalist stayed at home and made notes where he criticized dumb and deeply flawed Bolshevik regime. He was horrified by the mass deportations of June 14 1941 where 35 000 people were sent to Siberia. But, it was just beginning of the storm.

On June 22 1941 Nazi Germany began war with Soviet Union. On July 1 1941 German army moved in Riga. Schieman now had to face Nazi terror in face. The new occupiers included Latvia into Ostland reichcommissariat administered by Alfred Rosemberg. Latvian general district was administered by Otto Heinrich-Drehsler. Germans created self ruling bodies filled with Latvian collaborators and Baltic Germans who came back to Latvia. One of them Hugo Vitrock was appointed as mayor of Riga and was one of the strongest Schiemann’s opponents before the war. However, because Schiemann’s illness they did not considered him dangerous and instead just prevented him from journalism and kept him in the house arrest. Schiemann was under observation however, he did one last thing to oppose the Nazis – he provided shelter for young Jewish girl Valentīna Friemane. Freimane was born in February 18 1922 in Riga was a German speaking Latvian Jew. She spent her childhood in Berlin and Paris. On 1941 she married and when war came she took shelter with her husband. After he was arrested she hided in many other places until she ended up at Schiemann’s house.

Schiemann was sick with tuberculosis and diabetes and was under care by Jewish doctor Idelson who was rescued from Ghetto, but during German evacuation from Riga caught and shot. Valentīna Freimane spent with him his last days. He dictated her memoirs and she managed to gather up his memoirs up to 1919. Schiemann treated her with dignity and respect. On 1943 the Germans started to form Latvian Waffen SS Legion, Schiemann was visited by guests who described the Legion as heroic patriots. After the left he came over to Freimane’s shelter and complained over fools that wish to combat one evil with other. It 1944 and Soviets came even closer to Riga. Before his death he was visited by representatives of the Latvian Central Council who opposed the Nazi regime. They offered him to sign manifest for restoration of independence in hope that after the war such would be possible. Schiemann rejected signing for “another castles in the sky”. Schiemann was afraid that Soviets when they come back would arrest him and his wife, but he could not leave as he was too sick. On June 23 1944 at the age of 68 Schiemann passed away. Valentīna Freimane moved to another family the Melnikovs and spent last months of the war. His wife gave her his photo and few his books, they never met again.

Valentīna Freimane with her husband

Paul Schiemann funeral took place June 26 1944. A small funeral was taken place under observation by Gestapo. Month later his wife Charlotte was ordered to evict her house and moved to Germany. Remaining Schiemann’s archives were taken by his wife and later moved to the Baltic Central Library in Lineburg. Paul Schiemann was viewed with controversy by surviving Baltic Germans. Many had resentment for him not joining repartition and there was still a sense of conservative even post Nazi views among the Baltic German exiles.

Valentīna Friemane became doctor in arts and now lives in Berlin. She helped to spread the story of Schiemann as Jewish rescuer and on 2000 the Israeli Yad Vashem awarded Schiemann with title Righteous Among the Nations. On 2010 she published her memoirs “My Atlantis” where she described her refuge and last days of Paul Schiemann. 140 years later after his birth many of his ideas of un-nation state, minority rights and cultural autonomy has been realized. Many of these ideas are under danger from new wave of nationalism and humanitarian crisis. Paul Schiemann called “the defender of minorities” is one of the symbols of interwar Latvia. Only now we can fully review his legacy and place him in the spotlight of the Latvian history.

Selected Sources:

Hidden, John. (2004) Defender of Minorities. Paul Schiemann. 1876-1944. London. Hutrst&Co.

Šīmanis, Pauls. (1999) Eiropas Problēma. Rīga. Vaga.

Freimane, Valentīna (2010) Ardievu Atlantīda. Rīga. Atēna.


Tagged: Baltic Germans, Latvian Politics, national minorities

Latvia and the Belarusian Peoples Republic

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Fragment of the map showing new Baltic republics and Belarusian People's Republic. Note the purported Belarusian state includes Latgale, eastern part of Latvia as her territory. Latgale is also shown as territory in dispute for Poland.

Fragment of the map showing new Baltic republics and Belarusian People’s Republic. Note the purported Belarusian state includes Latgale, eastern part of Latvia as her territory. Latgale is also shown as territory in dispute for Poland.

On March 25 1918 national and democratic forces representing the Belarusian nation proclaimed Belarusian Peoples Republic (Bielaruskaja Narodnaja Respublika BNR)  It was done in the spirit of other nations proclaiming independence from the collapsed Russian Empire. Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia were example for Belarusians and Ukrainians who strived for their own unified state. However, during the crucial years of 1918-1920 the BNR did not survive the tides of war and ceased to exist. At the time of its short existence it had established relations with new Republic of Latvia and for a period of time BNR government was stationed in Riga. BNR had military and diplomatic mission working in Riga and its leaders placed hope on Latvian support. Latvia itself was caught in the tough battle for survival in war against Soviet Russia and pro-German forces and had complex relations with Poland so its relations with BNR at start were generally positive, but as BNR went into oblivion Latvia abandoned its support. Latvian main goals was to establish peace with Soviet Russia and settle issues with Poland so in the end BNR was more a obstacle for Latvian foreign policy and its diplomatic mission left Riga forever. This article marks the anniversary of Belarusian Peoples Republic and tells the story of short and forgotten Latvian and Belarusian relations between 1918 and 1921.

Belarusian nation has deep roots from medieval times when its territory was part of Lithuanian Grand Duchy. According to many historians mostly Belarusian ones, the leading elite of the Duchy was not Lithuanians but Belarusian ancestors. Later when Lithuania united with Poland Belarusian lands were influenced by Polish culture. Only after Polish partitions in 1772, 1793 and 1795 Belarus was integrated in spiral of Moscow. During these long years a distinct Belarusian language and culture evolved but it had to survive under heavy Russification policies and also Polonization. On 1918 Russian Empire had collapsed and was forced to cede Belarusian lands to Germany according to Brest-Litovsk peace agreement. An agreement that allowed nations within German occupied lands to decide their own fate. Similar to Baltic nations, there were people among Belarusians who saw chance to establish a national democratic state.

On December 5 – 17 1917 in Minsk (Mensk in Belarusian language) in All-Belarus congress a Central Belarusian Rada was formed however the Russian Soviet of Peoples Commissars in Petrograd rejected the rights of Belarusian autonomy. On January 1918 the All Russia 3th Congress declared the Rada an illegitimate. No repressions followed as on February 1918 Germans stared major offensive and took control over all Belarusian lands.  On February 20 a Belarusian Peoples Secretariat was formed with J. Varonka in the lead. On March 9 Belarusian Rada issued the creation of democratic Belarusian Peoples Republic. On March 25 the BNR proclaimed independence.

Germany did not recognize BNR as it regarded it as a Russian territory. Rada nevertheless created a War Affairs Committee with Kastus (Kanstancin) Jezavitau, in charge. In April Germans banned the Peoples Secretariat. Meanwhile Belarusian Rada fragmented in many leftist parties and with some difficulties created coalition government. Right wingers also joined pleasing the Germans and trade, industry and social welfare was transferred to Peoples Secretariat. BNR was recognized only by Ukrainian Peoples Republic so action was taken to get more diplomatic recognition from its neighbors. On October BNR made white-red-white flag as its official symbol and knight Pahonia the symbol of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was made as coat of arms.

Situation became crucial after Germany stepped out of war and BNR had real chances for independence. However, the Bolsheviks were boosting up offensive to retake lost lands. BNR made agreement with Lithuania. Many members of Rada joined Lithuanian Council (Tariba) and Belarusian Affairs Ministry was made within Lithuanian government with J. Varonka as minister. On December 3 1918 BNR moved to Vilnius while Bolsheviks were approaching Mensk. Soon Bolsheviks headed for Vilnius and BNR moved to Hrodno (Grodno). BNR was in conflict with Poland who had territorial claims on Belarus and after deepening tensions its government moved to Berlin.

On May 1919 Polish forces captured Mensk and BNR leadership moved there. Polish leader Pilsudsky urged Belarusians to join in common union with Poland and make Rada an autonomous body with jurisdiction only in education and culture. BNR rejected and asked for full independence. BNR Rada was weakened by breakup into BNR Supreme Rada and BNR Peoples Rada. Both Rada’s were lead by rivaling leftist parties and Polish government suppressed Peoples Rada.  After major issues BNR government moved to Riga. Poland did not recognized BNR while all three Baltic States, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Germany, Finland and Turkey had formally recognized.

BNR territorial claims were issue on its own as its included territories claimed by Russia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. BNR would include Smolensk (Smolinsk), some small portions of Latvian Latgale and Sēlija regions and parts claimed by Lithuania and Poland. There were some maps that included whole Latgale as BNR territory. The BNR borders were drawn according to Belarusian ethnic borders that conflicted with all neighboring states. Ethnically diverse Latgale was also under dispute by Poland and Lithuania, while Vilnius was major hotspot between Poland and Lithuania. The western Belarus main centers Hrodna and Brest had large Polish populations that wished to be under Warsaw. While neither Bolsheviks nor White forces of Russia did recognize any national independence at all. This created a problematic situation for Belarusian independence.

On autumn 1920 Polish and Soviet peace agreement talks were underway in Riga. BNR government observed that Poles and Soviets are taking part in partition of the Belarusian lands and were not successful in breaking up these actions. This finally made BNR conflicting sides the socialist revolutionaries and socialist federalists  agreed to form unified government. A government led by V Lastovskau became official representative of BNR and BNR Peoples Rada was renamed the BNR Rada. BNR left Riga on November 11 and made agreement on common military union against Poland and started work in Kaunas. On 1923 BNR government and Rada left Kaunas and moved to Prague where it remains until this day still coordinating opposition efforts against Alexander Lukashenko (Lukashenka) authoritarian government in Republic of Belarus.

BNR Diplomatic and military mission in Riga

BNR Diplomatic and military mission in Riga

BNR had high interests in Latvia. First contacts were made on summer of 1919 when BNR Minister of Interior Affairs K Tereshchenko arrived in Riga to establish relations with Latvia. He was interview by local Russian newspaper Rizhkoe Slovo where he issued his plans of creating unified front with Latvians and Lithuanians against the Bolsheviks. BNR had a small armed force incapable defeating Bolsheviks alone. On July 24 he met Kārlis Ulmanis the Prime Minister of Latvian Provisional Government who granted his plea to open BNR consulate in Riga. On August the consulate begun its work with B Shmikovich in charge later replaced by R Kazyachi. Consulate was located in Old Riga at Pils street. BNR flag was raised and consulate begun looking for potential BNR citizens issuing calls in press for Belarusian nationals to apply. BNR tried to level down its territorial claims on Daugavpils district until arrival of military – diplomatic mission to resolve the issue.

 The mission arrived on October 1 1919 with Kastus Jezavitau in charge. He was born in Daugavpils on 1893. On October 3 his delegation met the Latvian Foreign Minister Zigfrīds Anna Meirerovics, to whom he assured BNR support for Latvian independence and wished to join the planned Baltic Union. During the siege of Riga on October-November 1919 by pro-German Army of Bermondt BNR consulate remained in Riga. After Estonia made peace agreement with Soviet Russia BNR wanted to move the armed units led by general S Bulak-Balahovich or so called Belarusian corps to Latvia and use as BNR attack force. BNR stared talks with Latvian side to mobilize men within Latvia for BNR army however the talks failed. Only way to enlist people in Latvia into BNR forces was to make them BNR citizens.

During Battle of Riga and afterwards there was a brief positive period of relations between Latvia and BNR because of BNR representatives supported Latvians in many ways. However, soon many became aware of BNR claims on Latvian border areas most prominently the Ilūkste district (it was also disputed by Poland and Lithuania) and started to question the relations with BNR. As most part of Belarus was under Polish or Soviet rule with active combat actions these good relations were declarative that could change if BNR would gain control over Belarus. BNR could not convince Latvians to station Bulak-Balahovich forces in Latvia or include them into Latvian armed forces; Latvians only agreed them to transit to their homeland. A conflict emerged between BNR consulate and Latvian Army command. BNR consulate was on drive to recruit as much BNR citizens as possible without looking much into their motivation and ethnicity. In result some Latvians and Jews applied for BNR citizenship simply to avoid enlisting in Latvian Armed Forces.

On early 1920 Bulak-Balahovich forces of 800 men entered Latvia and stationed near Alūksne at Estonian border. Jezavitau tried to convince Latvians to include them in to offensive against Bolsheviks in Latgale but talks again failed. On January his unit was included in BNR but soon general broke ties with BNR and moved to Poland to join their army. When Latvian and Polish forces liberated Latgale from the Bolsheviks BNR wished to establish consulates in Daugavpils and Rēzekne. However, the talks with Latvian authorities failed. The Latvian military was skeptical about BNR citizenship registers for they served as tools to avoid army and as BNR only existed on paper there was great doubts. At this time much of Belarus was overrun by Bolsheviks and Polish armies on the Western side.

Latvian side became more reserved to BNR claims and requests. To sort out the Latvian and BNR border issues Latvian foreign ministry offered to create a Latvian-Belarusian commission.   Jezavitau requested secretary J Charpulka and consul B Shimkovich to work in commission, meanwhile Latvians did not rush to name their delegates and the commission never begun work. BNR most success in Latvia was laying foundations for national Belarusian minority by creating Belarusian culture and education society “Batjkovschina” (Fatherland) in Riga. Also a journal in Belarusian “Na Chuzije” (In foreign land) was issued, but only made single issue that contained information about Belarusians in Riga and BNR goals.

Latvian authorities started to feel colder towards BNR and Latvian police started to check BNR citizens to see how valid their citizenship is and even made arrests. BNR authorities protested and checks were stopped. Even some official BNR officials were arrested for instance secretary of BNR Rada J Mamonka was arrested at the Latvian border and 14 600 Russian Imperial Rubles he brought to Riga was confiscated. Border guards disregarded his BNR passport and also his diplomatic papers and only after protests he was released and money returned. BNR was not allowed to take part in Baltic States conference in Bulduri, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania voted against, while Latvia abstained. Only Poland this time because of partial loss of the Belarusian territory had nothing against the BNR participation. On August 11 1920 Latvia made Peace agreement with Soviet Union and relations with BNR was now seen as disadvantageous. The Polish – Soviet peace talks also took place in Riga and both sides were splitting Belarus in half. On October 20 after much Latvian pressure BNR started to gather its bags to leave Latvia. On October 27 BNR leader V Lastovsky pledged Baltic States to support BNR both politically and financially and wished that request for BNR war bases in Baltic States would be considered sometime in future.

On November 11 after making successful talks with Lithuania, BNR moved to Kaunas. Last BNR armed units stationed in Latvia left it after Polish takeover of Vilnius. Most of the Belarusian active community left Riga excluding   Kastus (Kanstancin) Jezavitau who became leader of the Latvian Belarusian minority. Belarusian minority received autonomy in education, had their own societies however on 1924 because of false accusation in separatism many of the Belarusian leaders including Jezavitau were placed on trial greatly straining Latvian-Belarusian relations.

The situation in Belarus between 1918 and 1920 was greatly disadvantageous to Belarusian national independence. It was against the interest of both Bolsheviks and Poland who regarded Belarus as their territory. Latvian relations with BNR were based on realpolitics placing Latvian relations with Soviet Union and Poland above BNR interests. BNR certainly had high hopes in Latvian support, but their powers to defend their homeland were too short and in the end BNR became a state on paper. We can only speculate what would happen if Poland would support independent Belarus and ally with it against Soviets. In the result a fourth Baltic State was lost. The Republic of Belarus that was formed after dissolution of the Soviet Union at first tried to relive the legacy of BNR by using its flag as its national symbol. A few years later Alexander Lukashenko dropped all references to BNR and switched back to Soviet symbolism and turned Belarus into authoritarian nation with Russian tanks marching on the streets on Belarusian independence day. But, BNR is not dead. Its Rada still works in Prague. The BNR flag and its coat of arms has become a symbol of the democratic opposition and praised by the Belarusian democratic youth. If democratic Belarus has any future then ideas of BNR will be its guideline for Belarus to become a full fourth Baltic State and member of Europe.

Flag of BNR in Riga in April 2014

Flag of BNR in Riga in April 2014

Selected sources:

Jēkabsons, Ēriks. (1996) Latvijas un Baltkrievijas Tautas Republikas attiecības. (1919-1920) Latvijas Arhīvi. 1-2. 


Tagged: Belarus, Belarusian Peoples Republic, Belarusians, Latvian history, Russian Civil War

The Myth of The Horrible Year

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Cover of the Nazi propaganda book "The Horrible Year" (Baigais Gads)

Cover of the Nazi propaganda book “The Horrible Year” (Baigais Gads)

June is one of the most tragic months for Latvian history. Three significant dates June 17 1940, June 14 1941 and June 22 1941 took place in short time span over two years and brought great losses. The country lost its independence, thousands of people were arrested, deported or executed. Then the Nazi German occupation brought another brutal occupation and genocide on Latvian Jews and Romas. The first Soviet occupation in many Latvian history books, memoirs and other news media has been described as the “Horrible Year” (Baigais Gads)  The term has also been picked up by foreigners and has appeared in their publications. However, not always we comprehend the true meaning of the term and the problem that this term was created by the Nazis to justify the genocide against Jews in Latvia. For this reason the term “Horrible Year” has come under scrutiny for last few years. Historians question the correct usage of this nazi propaganda concept in popular and academic history texts and examines how much this nazi propaganda creation still affects the Latvian social memory and current political discourse. For Latvian Jewish minority the term “Horrible Year” serves as unjust accusation to them for soviet occupation and justification for the Holocaust. Yet for many especially the older generation it serves as symbol for 1940 occupation and sometimes people tend to ignore the fact that this term was created by Nazis. In word horrible they see all the horrors and repressions that took place from June 1940 to June 1941. While there is a group of people within Latvian society that openly exploits the antisemitic character of the term. One of the first scholars who openly called “Horrible Year” a myth was Dr. Hist. Kaspars Zellis who has written many publications on this subject. This article discusses was “Horrible Year” a myth a construct of Nazi propaganda and how it affects the Latvian society today. This article in no way denies or questions the soviet occupation or soviet repressions during 1940-1941. The facts are not deniable this article questions how facts and made out facts used for propaganda creates a powerful myth that stays powerful for many years to come.

The Latvian word baigs stands for “horrible”, “dreadful”, “fearful” or “terrible”. The term creates a strong emotions like fear, resentment and condemnation. It also stands a metaphor apocalyptic event the soviet occupation of Latvia that is caused by the satanic enemy – Jews and Bolsheviks. The 1940-1941 the Latvian Golgotha a horrific event with many victims and martyrs that ends with ultimate resurrection and liberation as Nazis tried to describe the invasion in 1941. The second coming is followed by judgement day for those who caused the apocalypse on the first place – the Jews and the Bolsheviks. As the events of history turned the myth evolved – the enemies are coming back, the Latvians must rise again to fight them in the ranks of Latvian Waffen SS Legion. After the battle was lost the myth stayed within minds as explanation for all the calamities of the 1940 and showed “who is the blame” for them. Ultimately the myth creates an idea of Latvian genocide, that must be avenged after the restoration of independence and everything must be done to prevent it from repeating again.

1940 was not the first year in Latvian history to be described as horrible. The Baltic Germans and their exiles in Germany in their publications called 1905 as the horrible year. During the 1905 revolution there were numerous events of violent confrontations between  Latvians and the Baltic Germans. Germans accused Latvian nation of violent aggression against them. The fear from the repeat of 1905 was one of the reasons why many Baltic Germans stood against the Latvian independence during 1918-1919 with arms. On June 22 1941 Germans under Nazi banner returned to Latvia that was occupied by the Soviets since June 1941. First time the word horrible was used was July 4 in Nazi controlled newspaper Tēvija (Fatherland). The newspaper begun its text with “Horrible was the year of the red terror in our beutiful Riga”. The variation of baigs horrible was used in many other Nazi newspaper at the start of the occupation. However, the concept of the horrible year was taken from  famous Latvian poet Edvarts Virza (1883-1940) who wrote a poem called “The Horrible Summer” on 1939. The poem describing a bad times ahead published year before the occupation was seen for many as prophecy. Edvarts Virza himself died on March 10 1940 and did not witness how his poem became symbol and was used by Nazi propaganda. The poem was re-published on August 9 1941 in Tēvija and became popular. Propaganda articles used the term horrible even more until pastor from Mazsalaca Alfrēds Skrodelis first used “Horrible Year” as term for all period of the soviet occupation. In his article “The benefits of the horrible year” he talked about the Bolshevik materialism unsuitable for Latvians that was changed by German “culture of soul” that Latvians have found as their savior.

But it was not until the publication of book called “The Horrible Year”. Collections of images and documents about the time of the Bolsheviks in Latvia” The book was accompanied by documentary “Sarkanā Migla” “The Red Fog”. Both propaganda works were published in 1942 year after the Nazi occupation. The genocide against Jews in Latvia was over by then and powerful works of propaganda was needed to justify the extermination of thousands of people. Since then the term “Horrible Year” became central term for soviet occupation of 1940-1941 and after the war made his way into Latvian exile works and encyclopedias.

The needs for this myth can be explained for Nazi goals in Latvia on 1941-1942. Nazi political directives set by Adolf Hitler was clear Soviet Union out of Jews and Bolsheviks. However, the Nazi policy was to create the image that the extermination was done by the locals as revenge against the Soviets. Germans would only instigate the actions with propaganda and assist the locals. Such conception was realized in Baltic States, Belarus and Ukraine. However, despite the massive antisemitic propaganda Nazis failed to achieve their goals. While in separate cases in Lithuania or Ukraine there were events of violent pogroms made by Nazi influenced locals, all acts of exterminations were carried under German orders and supervision by local self-defense groups who were disbanded after the extermination was done.  And major massacres like Babi Yar and Rumbula was carried out by German special units. In Latvia no pogroms carried out by simple Latvians themselves did not took place. The events of 4th July in Riga when main Choral Synagogue was burned to the ground was carried out by Arājs Commando adjacent to German Security Police. In all territory of Latvia holocaust was carried out in organized manner by German orders. The German propaganda filmed the execution of Liepāja Jews to make it look that the execution was done only Latvians excluding the Germans observing and controlling it. Of course the guilt of Latvians who took part in extermination are undeniable and condemned and their motivation for taking part in the crimes serves to one each individually.

  Jews were killed in every each city and village of Latvia. Such action never been seen in Latvian history needed to be explained to Latvians. While violent actions against soldiers of Red Army, Latvian collaborators with communists needed less explanation the genocide against Jews required some effort. Many Latvians did not understand anti-Jewish actions, some tried to help others stood by and tried to ignore it. Antisemitism in Latvia before the war was present and widespread mainly caused by social rivalry between two ethnicities.  There however, were no events of pogroms and only few violent excesses between the two. There were forces who accused Jews of supporting communists and people who called for Jewish expulsion from Latvian society based on economic social accusations. Nazi propaganda used all these factors to ignite antisemitic propaganda against the Jews.  Jews were accused as the main supporters of the Soviet occupation, Jews were accused for planning and supporting the  mass deportation of June 14 1941. Jews were accused of looting out Latvia during 1940-1941. While pinning all fault on real crimes, often fake crimes attributed towards Jews were widespread.

Nazis would have carried out Holocaust without this propaganda. However, it was needed spread the false view that it was demanded and carried out by Latvians themselves. The authors of the Nazi controlled newspapers often showed self initiative helped Nazis to pin all blame on Latvians. On winter of 1941-1942 Nazi General directory Interior Authority and personal cases issued order to start searching and assembling sources to write history of the Bolshevik rule. The order was for Latvian cities and parishes. The result was book called “Baigais Gads” published in summer 1942. The book contained selected or faked documents and images many of them highly graphic. The books narrative was that Republic of Latvia because of its weakness and mistakes lead itself to Soviet occupation that was carried by Jews according to their plan of world domination. All main repressions were carried out by Jewish Bolsheviks. Nazi Germany came as liberators and rescued Latvians from the danger of Jewish Bolshevism and now Latvians must do their part for creation of the New Europe. There was never a talk of restoration of Latvian independence – Latvian future only lies with Nazi Germany. As its have been noted Nazi propaganda was very against Latvian independent state before 1940.

To accompany the book a propaganda ‘documentary’ “The Red Fog” filled with powerful slogans, exalted narrator speech and mesmerizing images  was released. Movie used false witnesses that accused Jews of burning the tower of St. Peters church that was actually destroyed by German artillery. Film so as the book heavily focused on victims of Riga Central Prison. During the Soviet retreat from Riga on June 27 1941 shot 78 inmates from June 27 to 29 99 more people were killed including citizens. After Riga was captured by Germans the bodies were discovered and buried large funerals filmed by German propaganda makers. The bodies had signs of horrible torture, many appeared mutilated. Crippled faces and bodies were shown in detail and described as atrocity of the Jewish Bolsheviks.  There are critical accounts that state that because of rather hot summer and dry air these bodies suffered from heavy decomposition making them look worse than when they died. But, these images were so powerful that stayed in memory for generations to come. The movie also a featured rather disturbing scene a zoom in image of the face of the Jewish Bolshevik. In reality the face belonged to the Polish actor.

The Face of the Jewish Bolshevik from Nazi propaganda movie the Red Fog

The Face of the Jewish Bolshevik from Nazi propaganda movie the Red Fog

Nazis moved further by making June 14 the day of mourning marked in churches. July 1st when Nazis marched in Riga was marked as day of celebration. The NKVD (soviet secret police) “torture chambers” were placed for public visits. On 1942 a touring exhibit across Latvia was called the “Year of Red Power in Latvia” with openly antisemitic posters was introduced to the public. During 1943 when front was approaching Latvia, Latvian Waffen SS Legion was formed propaganda focused on danger of return of the Horrible Year. All men was called to participate.  On 1944 when Soviets entered Latvia the Nazi controlled media spread the propaganda tales of new Horrible Year emerging and the return of Jewish killer squads. All was done to convince Latvians to resist Soviets and follow German orders.

Poster for Nazi propaganda exhibit the Year of Red power in Latvia"

Poster for Nazi propaganda exhibit the Year of Red power in Latvia”

The statistics of the “Horrible Year” speaks for itself. 15 424 people were deported. 6 081 of them died (%39,43%) The number of killed in Latvia during soviet occupation is said to be 1355. Number of repressed 20 000- 21 000 people. In comparison during first half of 1941 the amount of repressed people was around 20 000, 66 000 Latvian Jews were killed, 24 000 alone in Rumbula massacre. 2000 Roma in Latvia were killed. These numbers show that Nazis needed to justify their equally murderous actions and gain as much as Latvian support and obedience as possible. This all not to mention that Nazi Germany by signing Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact on August 23 1939 with its secret protocols also shared responsibility for soviet occupation of Latvia.

After the defeat of Nazi Germany the “Horrible Year” lived on trough Latvian exiles. It was mentioned in their publications and often became part of their identity. During regain of independence the “Horrible Year” again returned in Latvian public discourse. However, it faced transformation as Jews were replaced with Russians as it was no longer convenient to blame the Jews for the occupations. “Horrible Year” as boogeyman and accusation against Russian speaking minority was used by some forces of the Latvian society. Still there are people who apply the core of the myth that Jews are the blame for occupation and repressions. Antisemitic politicians, anonymous commentators often use the term “Jewish Chekist” against Latvian Jewish community. The book “Horrible Year” was re published and spread trough internet. The movie “Red Fog” is available on youtube.  On 2000 historic movie “Horrible Summer” depicting the events of June 1940 was released. Its name hints in “Horrible Year”, however it refrains from Nazi propaganda narrative and instead focused on other myths.  Antisemitic commentators use “Horrible Year” as accusation against the Jews and counter arguments to Jewish related issues such as Jewish property restitution.   One of the leftovers of the “Horrible Year” is a popular claim that most supporters of Kremlin in Latvia are Jews. While there are few such persons really supporting Russian its question if their self-identity is Jewish or Russian. The picking Jews out of large crowd is similar to recent attempts of Donald Trump supporters to place people criticizing Trump in brackets to outline their Jewish nationality or ethnicity.  Outlining ones national belonging and then generalizing with whole nation was a method of Nazis and sadly still used today.

In conclusion to the question was “Horrible Year” a myth? Yes it was. It was a Nazi propaganda concept to justify their own occupation and crimes and gain Latvian support. The Soviet occupation of 1940-1941 was real, the deportations and repressions took place. But what was the myth it was Jewish collective blame for these events, it was myth and great lie that Nazis was the saviors  of the Latvian people. To break the myth we must call things in their true names. During Soviet occupation not only Latvians were the victims of the Soviet occupation, Jews, Russians many others faced repressions and deportations. Nazis in 1941 came as conquerors and realized a genocide against Jews regardless of their age, gender and political convictions.  There can no justifications for such actions. All rest is propaganda. Latvian nation is slowly moving away from effect of the Nazi lies and it needs to focus on current challenges of the dangerous XXI century.

Selected Sources:

Zellis, Kaspars. “Baigā gada” mīts un tā evolūcija. Mīti Latvijas Vēsturē. Rīga. 2006

Зеллис К. «Страшный год» — миф и его эволюция

 


Tagged: Holocaust, Latvian history, Nazi occupation, nazi propaganda, Soviet occupation
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